STUDIES
VICTORIA
UNIVERSITY
CENTRE
for
REFORMATION
RENAISSANCE
3 f'n
The Itinerary
of
Fynes Moryson
In Four Volumes
Volume II
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD.
THE MACMILLAN CO.
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA
SIMPK.IN, HAMILTON AND CO.
MACMILLAN AND BOWES
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS
LONDON
NEW YORK
TORONTO
LONDON
CAMBRIDGE
EDINBURGH
MCMVI1
An Itinerary
Containing His Ten Yeeres Travell through
the Twelve Dominions of Germany, Bohmer-
land, Sweitzerland, Netherland, Denmarke,
Poland, Italy, Turky, France, England,
Scotland & Ireland
Written by
FYNES MORYSON
Gent.
VOLUME II
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
MCMVII
D
315
D8S
1907
v.Z
KF.ltBl
1
THE TABLE
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained
in the Third Booke ot the First Part
( Continued ).
CHAP. II.
The description of the Citie of Jerusalem, and the Terri-
tory thereof. ........
CHAP. III.
Of my journy from Jerusalem by land to Joppa, by sea to
Tripoly in Syria, by land to Haleppo and Scanderona,
and of our passage by sea to the Hand Candia.
CHAP. IIII.
Of my journy from Candia (partly by land, and partly by
sea) by the sea shoares and by the Hands of the
y£gean sea, Pontus and Propontis, to the Citie of
Constantinople, and of my journy thence by sea to
Venice, and by land to Augsberg, Nurnberg, and
Stode (in Germany,) and of my passage over sea
into England. .......
CHAP. V.
Of my journy through many severall Shires of England,
Scotland, and Ireland. ......
v
PAGE
47
84
3 1 5
THE TABLE
The Contents of the severall Chapters — Continued.
CHAP. VI.
Of the manner to exchange monies into forraigne parts,
and the divers monies of divers parts, together with
the divers measures of miles in sundry Nations, most
necessary for the understanding of the former Journall.
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained in
the First Booke of the Second Part.
CHAP. I.
Of the Induction or Preface to my Irish Journall ; and
a compendious narration how Charles Blount Lord
Mountjoy, (my Lord and Master of happy memory)
was chosen Lord Deputy of Ireland, and of this worthy
Lords quality ; as also of the Counsels in generall by
which he broke the Rebels hearts, and gave peace to
that troubled State, together with his particular actions
in the end of the yeere 1599. . . . . .
CHAP. II.
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the prosecu-
tion of the Rebels in the yeere 1600.
The Contents of the severall Chapters contained in
the Second Booke of the Second Part.
CHAP. I.
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the pro-
secution of the Rebels, and of the Spaniards invading
Ireland in the yeere 1601.
PAGE
122
165
290
367
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
The description of the Citie of Jerusalem and the
Territorie, ....... 8
The rude, but true figure in plaine of Christs
Sepulcher and the Church built over it at
Jerusalem, ....... 24
The description of the City of Constantinople, and
the adjacent Territories and Seas, . . 96
The Right Honourable Charles Blount, Earle of
Devon, Baron Mountjoy and Knight of the
Garter, ....... 264
The Earle of Ormonds takinge Prisoner, . . 304
The Second Volume
OF
The Itinerary of Fynes Moryson
Chap. II.
The description of the City of Jerusalem, and
the territory thereof.
Am unskilfull in Geography, and much Jerusalem.
more in the making of Mappes : but
according to the faithful! view of my
eyes, I will first draw the situation of
Jerusalem, and after explaine it, aswell
as I can. And first I thinke good to
professe that by my journy to this City,
I had no thought to expiate any least sinne of mine ; much
lesse did I hope to merit any grace from God ; but when
I had once begun to visite forraigne parts, I was so stirred
up by emulation and curiosity, as I did never behold
any without a kind of sweete envy, who in this kind
had dared more then my selfe. Thus affected, I thought
no place more worthy to be viewed in the whole world,
then this City, where howsoever I gave all divine worship
to God, and thought none to be given to the places, yet
I confesse that (through the grace of God) the very places
strucke me with a religious horrour, and filled my mind
prepared to devotion, with holy motions. In like sort
I professe, that I will faithfully relate the situation of
the City, and the description of the monuments made
to me by the Friars, making conscience not to adde or
detract, but as neere as I can to use their owne words.
Yet doe I not my selfe beleeve all the particulars I write
upon their report, neither doe I perswade any man to
beleeve them. But for many monuments, the scripture
M. II
i
A
A.D.
1 596 -
[I. iii. 218.]
Jerusalem
seated in the
same place.
Jerusalem
now enlarged.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
gives credit to them, and it is not probable in so great
difference and emulation, (whereof I shall after speake)
of Sects of Christians there abiding, and being most apt
to note errours one in another, that any apparant fictions
could be admitted : as on the contrary, it is most certaine,
that some superstitious inventions (wherewith all the
sectes are more or lesse infected) have in time obtained,
to be reputed true, and religiously to be beleeved.
Howsoever he that conferres the situation of the City
and of the monuments, with the holy Scriptures, and
with the old ruines of Rome, and other Cities, shall easily
discerne what things are necessarily true or false, and
what are more or lesse probable.
And it will notoriously appeare, that the Citie is now
seated in the same place, in which it flourished when
our Saviour lived there in the flesh. Neither let any
man object to me the prophecies of the fatall and
irreparable ruine thereof, which all Divines understand
of the Temple to be utterly demolished ; and for my
part, I would rather admit (if necessitie require) any
figurative speech, then I would bee so wicked or so
blockish, as not to beleeve the holy Scriptures, or that
which I did see with these eyes. Upon the West side,
the Citie could never have been more enlarged then now
it is, since Mount Calverie (without all doubt) was of
old without the walles, which now is inclosed within
them, so as rather it appeares the Citie hath been so
much inlarged on that side. In like sort on the East
side, the Citie is so compassed with the Valley of
Jehosephat, and the famous Mount Olivet, as it appeares
the City could not that way have been larger then now
it is. On the North side I did never reade nor heare
any, that described this Citie to have been larger then
now it is, yet in respect of huge ruines still remaining
there, upon a large Plaine of the highest part of the
Citie, if any should confidently affirme that they belonged
to the old Citie, for my part I could not gainesay it.
From the Plaine of this highest part of the Citie it
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
declines by little and little (if you except some little
Hilles within the walles) from the North to the East
(where the Temple of Salomon is seated upon the lowest
part of Mount Moriah) and likewise it declines from
the North to the South Gates, whereof the one is called
Sterquilinea, of the filth there carried out, the other
Prsesentationis, because the Virgin Mary entered there,
when she presented Christ to the Priest in the Temple,
which gates (as the whole Citie) are seated upon Moun-
taines, yet lower then any other part of the Citie. Upon
the higher part of Mount Sion, on the same South side
towards the West, lie many ruines of houses, and it is
most certaine, that the Tower of David, and other famous
houses there, which are now without the walles, were of
old inclosed within them, and that the City extended
somewhat further towards the South, then now it doth.
Yet the Hill of Sion is so compassed with knowne Vallies,
and those Vallies with high Mountaines, as this extent
could not be great.
Jerusalem was of old called Moria (where they write
that Adam was created of red earth), & is seated upon
Mount Moriah, upon the top wherof towards the North-
west is Mount Calvery (where they say that Abraham
was ready to sacrifice his sonne Isaac, and where without
doubt our Saviour Christ suffered), and in the lowest
part of this Mountaine, the Temple of Salomon was
seated. The Citie was after called Salem, and thirdly,
Jebus, and fourthly Jerusalem, and at this day the Turkes
have named it Chutz. It is compassed with stately walles
(the like whereof I did never see) of red and blacke stone
more then an Elle long, and about halfe an Elle broad.
I call them stately, for the antiquitie, wherein for the most
part they much excell the Roman walles. I numbred
seven Gates. The first of Damasco, (of old called the
Gate of Ephraim) on the North side. The second of
Saint Stephen on the East side (which of old had the
name of the beasts for sacrifice brought in that way.)
The third the golden Gate, also on the East side (which
3
A.D.
1 59 6 -
The Tower of
David.
Jerusalem
seated upon
Mount
Moriah.
The Seven
gates.
A.D.
1596 .
Christians
enter at the
gate of Joppa.
[I. iii. 219.]
The houses
built of flint
stone.
The Dew falls
instead of
raine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
at this day is shut and bricked up.) The fourth the Gate
of presentation on the South-side, leading into the Temple
of Salomon, but at this day shut up. The fifth
Sterquilinea also on the South side, so called of the
filth there carried out. The sixth, the Gate of Syon also
on the South side, neare that part of Mount Syon, which
at this day is without the walles, but this Gate hath been
newly built. The seventh of Joppa towards the West
also newly built. In generall, the Gates are nothing lesse
then fortified, only as it were to terrifie the Christians,
who enter at the Gate of Joppa, they have braggingly
fortified the same, and planted great Ordinance upon it.
And howsoever the Citie seemes strong enough against
sudden tumults, yet it is no way able to hold out against
a Christian Army well furnished, neither doe the Turkes
trust to their Forts, but to their forces in field.
The houses here, and in all parts of Asia that I have
seene, are built of Flint stone, very low, onely one storie
high, the top whereof is plaine, and plastered, and hath
battlements almost a yard high, and in the day time they
hide themselves within the chamber under this plastered
floare from the Sunne, and after Sunne-set, walke, eate,
and sleepe, upon the said plastred floare, where as they
walke, each one may see their neighbours sleeping in
bed, or eating at table. But as in the heate of the day,
they can scarce indure to weare linnen hose, so when the
Syren or dew falls at night, they keepe themselves within
dores till it be dried up, or else fling some garment over
their heads. And with this dew of the night all the fields
are moistened, the falling of raine being very rare in these
parts towards the Equinoctiall line, and in this place
particularly happening onely about the month of October,
about which time it falles sometimes with great force
by whole pales full. The houses neare the Temple of
Salomon, are built with arches into the streete, under
which they walke drie, and covered from the Sunne, as
likewise the houses are built in that sort, in that part of
the Citie, where they shew the house of Herod, in both
4
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
which places the way on both sides the streete is raised
for those that walke on foote, lying low in the middest
for the passage of laded Asses. In other parts the Citie
lies uninhabited, there being onely Monasteries of divers
Christian Sects, with their Gardens. And by reason of
these waste places, and heapes of Flint lying at the dores
of the houses, and the low building of them, some streetes
seeme rather ruines then dwelling houses, to him that
lookes on them neere hand. But to them who behold
the Citie from eminent places, and especially from the
most pleasant Mount Olivet (abounding with Olives, and
the highest of all the Mountaines), the prospect of the
Citie, and more specially of the Churches and Monasteries
(which are built with elevated Globes covered with brasse,
or such glistering mettall) promiseth much more beauty
of the whole Citie to the beholders eyes, then indeed it
hath. The circuit of the walles containeth some two or
three Italian miles.
All the Citizens are either Tailors, Shoomakers, Cookes,
or Smiths (which Smiths make their keyes and lockes
not of Iron, but of wood), and in generall poore rascall
people, mingled of the scumme of divers Nations, partly
Arabians, partly Moores, partly the basest inhabitants of
neighbour Countries, by which kind of people all the
adjoyning Territorie is likewise inhabited. The Jewes
in Turky are distinguished from others by red hats, and
being practicall, doe live for the most part upon the sea-
coasts, and few or none of them come to this Citie,
inhabited by Christians that hate them, and which should
have no traffique, if the Christian Monasteries were taken
away. Finally, the Inhabitants of Jerusalem at this day
are as wicked as they were when they crucified our Lord,
gladly taking all occasions to use Christians despitefully.
They esteemed us Princes, because wee wore gloves, and
brought with us shirts, and like necessaries, though other-
wise we were most poorely appareled, yet when we went
to see the monuments, they sent out their boyes to scorne
us, who leaped upon our backes from the higher parts of
5
A.D.
I 59 6 -
Parts of the
Citie
uninhabited.
The Citizens
poore rascall
people.
Jewes in
Turky we are
red hats.
A.D.
I 59 6 *
Rude Boyes.
[I. iii. 220 J
The explica-
tion of the
Citie.
The Castle.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
the streete, we passing in the lower part, and snatched
from us our hats and other things, while their fathers
were no lesse ready to doe us all injuries, which we were
forced to beare silently and with incredible patience.
Hence it was that Robert Duke of Normandy, being
sicke, and carried into Jerusalem upon the backs of like
rascalls, when he met by the way a friend, who then was
returning into Europe, desiring to know what hee would
command him to his friends, hee earnestly intreated him
to tell them, that he saw Duke Robert caried into heaven
upon the backs of Divels.
The description of the Citie and the Territorie.
Now followes the explication of the Citie described :
and first the small Line drawne within the present walles
on the West side of the Citie, shewes the old walles
thereof, before Mount Calvery was inclosed within the
walles by the Christian Kings, for now there remaine no
ruines of the old walles, this line being onely imaginarie.
(1) Mount Sion without the walles, for part of it is
yet inclosed with them.
(2) The faire Castle, which was built by the Pisans
of Italy, while yet they were a free State, and the building
is not unlike to the Italian Castles. It was now kept by
a Turkish Agha and Garrison, having great store of short
Iron Ordinance of a huge boare, lying at the Gate for
terrour of the people. I remember that when wee walked
(after Sunne-set) upon the top of the Latine Monastery
(as those of Asia walke upon their houses), this Agha
sent a souldier to us, commanding us to goe from
beholding the Castle, or else he would shoote at us,
whom we presently obeyed. Thus they suspect Christians,
and suffer them not to enter this Citie with Armes, but
narrowly search their baggage.
(3) The Gate of Joppa (Zaffa, or Griaffa) in some sort
fortified, where for terrour to the Christians, they have
planted some Ordinance, for the other Gates have none,
6
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
neither are fortified at all, and all the Christians enter at
this Gate.
(4) The Gate of Mount Sion, no whit fortified, and
newly built (as it seemes) by the Turkes, as also that
of Joppa is.
(5) The ruines of the house or Pallace of the High
Priest Caiphas, where they shew a place with a pillar,
upon which the Cock crowed when Peter denied Christ ;
and a place where the fire was made, at which Peter
warmed himselfe ; and a tree in the place where he denied
Christ ; finally, a narrow prison, in which Christ was shut
up till the day brake, and so he was led to Pilate.
And the Sect of the Armenian Christians keepes this
monument.
(6) The old Monasterie of the Latine Christians, called
il Santo Cenacolo, which the Turkes have taken from the
Christians, and turned to a Mahumetan Mosche or
Church, and no Christian may enter this place, kept by
the Santons or Turkish Priests, except he will give an
unreasonable reward, which given, yet he is not free from
danger, if other Turkes see him enter. Here Christ
did wash his Apostles feete, did eate his last Supper with
them, did appeare to them after his Resurrection, the
doores being shut, and againe after eight dayes appeared
to Thomas doubting. Here the holy Ghost descended
upon the Apostles, and the Apostle Matthew was chosen
by lot. The Italian Monastery (noted with the figure
(33) hath all these representations painted, and to these
pictures the Pope hath given as large indulgences for
Papists, as if they had seene the other places, from which
the Turkes keepe them as unwashed dogges. The
Sepulcher of David is not farre from this place, kept by
the Turkes, forbidding entrie to the Christians. And
here they shew the ruines of the Tower of David, or
of his Pallace, on the South side of the Church-yard given
to Christians of Europe for buriall, in the same place
where David of old drove out the Jebuzites. In like
sort on the South side of this old Monastery, is the place
A.D.
1596.
The ruines of
the High
Priest’s
Pallace.
The old
Monasterie of
the Latine
Christians.
[I. iii. 221.]
A.D.
1 596 -
The field
Acheldamus .
The Temple of
Salomon.
The golden
Gate .
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
where they say the Virgin Mary died. (7) Here they
shew a place where the Jewes strove in vaine to take the
body of the Virgin Mary from the hands of the Apostles,
as they carried it to be buried in the Valley of Jehosophat.
( 8 ) The Cave wherein they say Peter used to bewaile
the denying of Christ.
(9) Here they say the Apostles hid themselves, whilst
Christ suffered on the Crosse.
(10) Here they shew the field Acheldamus, bought by
the Jewes for a buriall place, with the thirtie pence Judas
brought back to them. And here looking into a huge
cave of the Mountaine, we did see infinite whole bodies
imbalmed of dead men, and standing upright. And this
place is given for buriall to the Christians of Asia.
(n) the Gate Sterquilinea, at which the filth of the
Citie is carried out, and cast into the Brooke Cedron.
And Christ betraied by Judas, was brought into the Citie
by this Gate (as they say), which Gate is old, and nothing
lesse then fortified.
(12) The Gate by which the Virgin Marie entring into
the outer Temple, is said to have offered Christ then
an Infant to the hands of Simion, which Gate they say,
in honour of our Redeemer, was shut up by the Christian
Kings, and so remaines to this day. (13) The outer
Temple where they say Christ was exhibited to Simion,
and the Italians call it the Temple of the Presentation.
(14) In this large circuit compassed all with walks,
of old the Temple of Salomon stood. At this day it
was over-growne with grasse, and in the middest thereof
the Turkes had a Mosche for their wicked worship of
Mahomet, neither may any Christian come within this
circuit, much lesse into the Mosche, either being a capitall
offence, which they say some curious Christians had tried
with losse of life, after they had been drawne to enter
into it by some Turkes vaine promises.
(15) The golden Gate at which Christ entered on
Palme-Sunday, shut up by the Christian Kings, and so
remaining.
8
I
The description of the Citie of Jerusalem and the Territorie
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COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
(16) Probatica Piscina without the Gate of the Temple,
where the Angell troubling the waters, the first diseased
man that entred them was healed. It was at this time
dried up.
(17) The beautifull Gate where Peter and John made
the man walke, who was lame from his mothers wombe.
(18) Salomons house, of old having a Gate leading Salomons
into the Temple, and it is now inhabited by the Turkish House.
Cady, who hath an Episcopall office. Here I did see
pleasant Fountaines of waters, and did looke into the
circuit where the Temple stood, through an Iron grate,
when the said Magistrate called us before him. And I
remember we were bidden put off our shooes before we
entred in to him, where hee sat upon a Carpet spread
upon the ground, with his legges crossed like a Tailor,
and his shooes of (as the Turkes use.)
(19) This Gate of old had the name of the Droves The gate of
of cattell brought in for sacrifices : but at this day is Saint Stephen.
called the Gate of Saint Stephen, because the Jewes drew
out that Protomartyr by this Gate, and so stoned him.
(20) Heere they say was the house of Anna, wherein
shee bare the Virgin Marie.
(21) The Gate of Damasco, of old called the Gate of
Ephraim.
(22) The house of Pontius Pilate, in which the Turkish [I. iii. 222.]
Sangiaco (who is the military Governour of the City and The House of
Province) did then dwell, so as no Christian might come Pontius Pilate.
into the house without giving a reward. The Fryars Fryars
say that in this house are heard noises, whippings, and Superstitions.
sighes, nightly to this very time, and each man the more
superstitious he is, the more incredible things he tels
thereof. They say that the staires upon which Christ
ascended, when he was brought to Pilate, were long since
carried to Rome, and these be the staires which I said
the Romans call Holy (vulgarly Scale Sante), and doe
worship with great superstition. They be of marble,
but for my part let every man beleeve as he list, whither
they were brought from thence, and be the same staires
A.D.
I59 6 .
The Arch of
Pilate.
V eronica s
dwelling
place.
The gate of the
dolorous way.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
that Christ ascended or not. Onely I am sure that here
they shew the place void in the very streete, where staires
have beene of old ; yet must I needs say, that marble
staires ill befit the poore building of this house. Here
the Souldiers spoiled our Redeemer of his garments, and
in scorne attired him with purple.
(23) The Arch of Pilate, which is a gallery of bricke,
built over the street, from one wall to another, whence
Pilate shewed Christ to the people, saying ; behold the
man, doe with him what you will.
(24) Here they say the Virgin Mary fell downe
fainting, when Christ was led to Mount Calvary.
(25) Here they say that Christ fainting, the Jewes
tooke his Crosse, and laied it upon Symon of Cyren.
(26) The Pallace of King Herod.
(27) Here they say Christ uttered these words;
Daughters of Syon weepe not for me, weepe for your
selves, &c.
(28) Here they say the rich glutton dwelt, and not
farre hence they shew the house where Mary Magdalen
washed Christs feete with her teares, and dried them with
the haires of her head.
(29) Here they say Veronica dwelt, and that this
woman gave her white hand-kercher to Christ when he
did sweat blood, who wiping his face therewith, left the
lively print of it therein : about which hand-kercher
the Romans and the Spaniards contend, both saying that
they have it, and shewing it for an holy relike to the
people.
(30) The Gate of old called Judiciall, now not extant,
by which Christ was led to Mount Calvary to be crucified,
for this mountaine now inclosed within the wals, was
then without the wals. And the way from the house of
Pontius Pilate (noted with the figures 22) to this gate,
is called the dolorous way by the Italian Christians, because
Christ was led by it to his passion. (31) The prison from
whence the Angell brought Peter, breaking his chaines,
and opening the iron doore, and it is seated under the
10
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
ruines of the Pallace, which since that time belonged to
the Knights of Jerusalem.
(32) The Church which the Christians built over the
Sepulcher of Christ, of which I will after write more
largely, making a rude Mappe thereof, as I have done
of the City.
(33) The Monastery of the Franciscan Friars, in which
we did lodge, being seated on the highest part of Mount
Calvary, which since hath beene called the Mount of our
holy Saviour. And this is called the new Monastery, in
respect of the old (noted with the figure 6) and onely
hath the monuments of the old painted, to the visiting
whereof the Pope hath given large indulgences. The
Franciscan Friars conducting us, shewed us some other
monuments within the wals. And not farre from the
gate of Syon, (noted with the figure 4) they shewed us
(34) the house of the High Priest Anna, where Christ
was examined by the Pharises, and there they shewed
us an Olive tree, (which must needs be old), to which
they say Christ was bound. (35) The Church of the
Apostle Saint James, whom the Spaniards call Saint James
of Gallicia, and worship for their protecting Saint, who
was called James the greater, and they say was here
beheaded. This Church is stately built, for the poverty
of the Armenians, who built it, and maintained there an
Archbishoppe, to keepe it, and to performe there the
rites of their religion.
(36) The place where they say Christ appeared to the
three Maries dwelling together, upon the very day of
his resurrection, where the Christians built three Churches,
which the Turks have converted to 3 Moschees, yet
bearing no reverence to the place, because they beleeve
not that Christ died, and much lesse beleeve that he rose
againe.
(37) The house of the Evangelist Saint Marke, men-
tioned in the twelfth Chapter of the Acts. This is the
house of Mary the Mother of John, surnamed Marke,
whither Peter came when the Angell delivered him out
A.D.
1596.
The Monas-
tery of the
Franciscan
Friars.
The Church
of the Apostle
Saint James.
The place
where Christ
appeared to the
three Maries.
[I. iii. 223.]
A.D.
i59 6 -
The brook
Cedron.
The vally o
Jehosaphat.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
of prison, into which Herod had cast him, (noted with
the figure 31). At this day there was an obscure Church,
kept by the Syrian Priests.
(38) Here they shew the Iron gate, which Peter found
miraculously opened, and by the same entring into the
other City, came to the house of Saint Marke.
We going out at Saint Stevens Gate towards the East,
descended into the vally of Jehosaphat, and here they
say (39) the bridge stood, by which the Queene of Saba
passed over the Brooke Cedron, and that the Crosse of
Christ was made of the wood of this bridge.
(40) In this place they say the Protomartyre Saint
Steven was stoned. (41) This smal line without the
Easterne gates, shewes the bed of the brook Cedron, (or
Kidron) which is very narrow, having not at this time
one drop of water, so as we passed over the stony bed
with drie feet. But of old when Jerusalem flourished,
and had many conduits of water drawne to it, then it is
probable that it was filled with water. And at this day,
when any raine fals, the water runnes swiftly from the
mountaines on the North side, according to this blacke
line, through the most pleasant vally of Jehosaphat.
This vally extendeth it selfe on both sides of this brooke,
some two Italian miles in length, but is very narrow,
and it hath on the West side the wals of the City, where
Salomons Temple stood upon the lower part of the Mount
Moriah, and it hath upon the East side the most high
Mount Olivet, and it hath on the North side mountaines
somewhat (but not farre) distant from the City, and upon
the South-side mountaines a little more distant. Many
interpret the Prophet Joell, in his third Chapter and second
verse, as if Gods Tribunall at the day of judgement
should stand in this vally, and thereupon the Jewes when
they die in remote parts, will be brought to be buried
in this vally, for the expedition of their triall. But the
best Divines doe teach, that the word Jehosaphat signifies
the Judgement of the Lord, and that the Prophet may
be interpreted figuratively, namely, that as the Lord often
12
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
defeated with great slaughters the enemies of his Church
in this valley, so in the day of judgement he will strike
the wicked with like confusion.
(42) Beyond the Brooke is a stately Sepulcher for the
most part under the earth, into which we descended by
some fiftie staires, and about the middle descent, on the
left hand towards the City, under an Altar, lie the bodies
of Joseph, and Joachimus, and on the right hand the body
of Anna (namely, of the Husband, Father, and Mother
of the Virgin Marie.) In the bottome is a Church, in
the middle whereof, under a stone raised some few feete
from the ground, they say the Apostles buried the Virgin
Mary. This Church (so they call all places where they
have Altars to sing Masses) is very darke, having no
light but by one window or vent, made through the earth,
and upon this monument lies part of the bed of the
Brook Cedron. On the right hand the Turks (who
greately reverence the monuments of Christ while he
lived), have made themselves an Oratory. But for the
monument it selfe, the Franciscan Friers of the Latin
Church have alone the priviledge to keepe the same, and
the Altar thereof, for their singing of Masses.
(43) Here is a Cave, at the foote of Mount Olivet,
in which they say Christ used to pray, and did sweat
bloud.
(44) Here they shew a place where they say (beleeve
it who list), that S. Thomas after the Virgines buriall,
did see her both in body and soule assumed into heaven,
and that she casting her girdle to him, gave it for testimony
thereof, that all others might beleeve it. In my opinion
they did well to make Saint Thomas see it, for otherwise
hee would never have beleeved it.
(45) The place where they say the Virgin was wont
to rest, when she visited the places frequented by her
Sonne in the time hee lived heere, and where she
beheld the stoning of Saint Stephen, and prayed for
him.
(46) The stone where Christ, leaving Peter, James,
13
A.D.
1596.
The Sepulcher
of Joseph.
The Virgin's
burying place.
The place
where the
Virgin
appeared to
S. Thomas.
[I. iii. 224.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1 59 ^-
and John, said, that his soule was heavy unto death, and
went aside to pray, warning them to watch.
The Garden (47) Here is a little circuit inclosed with a low wall,
where Christ w h ere they report the Garden to be, at the foot of Mount
was eti ayed. Q|- ye ^ w here Christ used to pray, and was betrayed by
Judas with a kisse.
(48) The place where they say, the Village of Getsemany
was of old seated. Round about this place the Turks
doe bury their dead (as they do also in a field on the
North side without the walles) ; for they never burie
within Cities, excepting onely the monuments of their
Emperours.
(49) Here they say Saint James the lesse did lye hidden,
till hee heard that Christ was risen againe the third day
after his Passion.
Two old (50) Here be two old Sepulchers, almost of a round
sepulchers. forme, built of Free-stone, or rather cut out of the living
stone, wherof the one is called the Sepulcher of Absolon,
the sonne of David, the other of King Manasses (or as
others say, of the King Ezekias.) And considering the
antiquitie, they seeme no Plebean Sepulchers, but stately
and fit for Princes, being foure Elies from the ground in
height.
The top of (51) Here is the top of Mount Olivet, the highest
MountOlwet. 0 f a q the Mountaines that compasse Jerusalem, and here,
in a Chappell, they shew in stone the print of Christs
feete when he ascended into Heaven. And this Chappell
is kept by a Turkish Zanton, that is a kinde of their
Priests, and the Turkes give such reverence to the
monuments of Christ living on earth, as they are much
offended with Christians, if they creepe not on their knees,
and with their shooes off to this and like monuments.
To the keeper hereof we gave a few meidines for reward.
(52) Here they say Christ did weepe over the Citie
and rich Temple of Salomon, and in this place is the
fullest prospect to view the Citie and Temple.
(53) Here they shew the ruines of the house, wherein
the Apostles assembled did write the Creede.
14
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
(54) Here they say Christ taught his Disciples to pray
in the forme ever since received, and here was a Church
built by the Christians of old.
(55) Here they say Christ foretold the signes of the
day of Judgement.
(56) Here they say the Angell foretold the Virgin shee
should die at three dayes ende.
Upon Thursday the sixth of June, we being to goe
to Bethania, hired each of us an Asse for foure meidines,
that place being scarse two Italian miles from the citie.
Of our company we were foure Lay-men, and because
the Friers our consorts pleaded themselves to be free
from such expences, we were content to yeeld to them,
and gave jointly into the hands of the Fryer our guide
two zechines, wherewith he was to give small rewards,
and to pay the Muccaro, who furnished us with Asses :
for we meant not to eate till our returne, the place being
no further distant, and there being no dwellings, but onely
the ruines of houses. What our guide spent I know
not; for he never offered to give us account, and because
he was a Frier, wee would not trouble him in demaunding
it. We went out by the Gate Sterquilinea (noted with
the figure (11) on the South side).
(57) First, we came to the Fountaine Siloe, to which
Christ sent the blind man to wash his eyes, and there
we found Turkish women washing, who beate us away
with stones.
(58) Here they shew a monument of the Prophet Elia,
but what it was I remember not.
(59) Here they shew a Fountaine, where they say, the
Virgin washed Christs clothes when he was an infant.
(60) The Mount of Offence, opposite to Mount
Sion, which Mount lies beyond the Brooke Cedron, and
extendeth Eastward towards Bethania, and upon the top
thereof they shew the ruines of the Pallace which Salomon
built for his Concubines, and of the Altar, upon which
hee sacrificed to Idols. Betweene this Mount and that
of Mount Sion, they shew the Valley of the sonnes of
A.D.
I 59 6 -
The way to
Bethania.
The Fountaine
Siloe.
The Mount of
Offence.
[I. iii. 225.]
15
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1596.
The Prophet
Isaiah’s death.
The place
where Judas
hanged
himself.
The P allace of
Lazarus.
Hinnon towards the West, and there they shew a place,
wherein the Jewes offered their children to the Idoll
Molech, (that is, Saturne) ; yet we reade, that this Valley
lies by the entry of the East-Gate, Jeremiah, chap. 19.
vers. 2.
(61) Here they say, the Prophet Isaiah was cut in
pieces with a Sawe, at the commaund of King Manasses.
(62) Here is a bridge over the Brook Kedron, or
Cedron of one Arch, & built of stone, whereby they
passe when the bed of the Brooke is filled with water,
which now wee passed drie footed. And here they shew
a place, where they say Christ fell upon the stones of
the bed where the brook should runne, when he being
betraied by Judas, was drawne into the Citie in a great
presse of the Jewes. And upon these stones are the
prints of hands and feete (as they say, his.)
(63) The way leading to Bethania over Mount Olivet.
(64) The place where they say Judas hanged himselfe,
and burst ; after he had betraied his Lord. Not farre
hence they shew a figge tree, which they say Christ cursed,
because it had leaves without fruit.
(65) Here descending from Mount Olivet towards the
East, we did see farre off the valley Jordan, to which the
Mountaines decline by little and little. And now we
were come to Bethania, where we did see the House of
Simon the Leaper, not yet ruined, and inhabited by a
Moore, to whom we gave a few meidines.
(66) Here they shew stately ruines of a Pallace, which
they say belonged to Lazarus. And not farre thence is
a Chappell, built over the stately sepulcher of Lazarus,
the key whereof the Friars our guides had with them.
For the Turkes putting great religion in reverencing this
place, have an Oratory neere it, and enter into the
Sepulcher by another way. Here they say Christ raised
Lazarus out of his grave. At our going forth, wee were
forced to give some few meidines to certaine Turkes and
Arabians, (I know not whether they had the Place in
keeping, or no).
16
COMMENTS UPON BETHANY
(67) The House of Mary. (68) The House of Martha
her sister.
(69) The stone upon which they say Christ did sit,
before he did see the sisters of Lazarus bewailing his
death, and it is some halfe mile from Bethania.
(70) This small line sheweth the bed of the River
Jordan, running through a most pleasant valley, which
River we did see some ten Italian miles distant. On the
North-side of Jerusalem, (I cannot say whether beyond
Jordan or no), we did see many Towers, having globes
of glistering mettall, and that very distinctly, the day
being cleere ; also we did see the wals of a City neere
the River Jordan, and they said, that it was Jericho.
Further towards the North they shewed us from farre
off a place, where they say our Saviour was baptized by
John. And they affirme upon experience had, that the
water of Jordan taken in a pitcher, will very long keepe
sweet, and that it corrupted not, though they carried it
into forraigne parts. This water seemed very cleere, till
it fell into a Lake, where they say Sodome with the other
Cities stood of old, before they were burnt by her from
Heaven. And the day being cleere, we did plainely see,
and much marvell that the cleere and silver streame of
Jordan, flowing from the North to the South, when in
the end it fell into the said Lake, became as blacke as
pitch.
The Friers our guides seriously protested, that if any
living thing were cast into this Lake of Sodom, it could
not be made to sinke, whereas any heavy dead thing
went presently to the bottome. Also that a candle lighted
cannot be thrust under the water by any force, nor be
extinguished by the water, but that a candle unlighted
will presently sinke. I omit for brevities sake, many
wondrous things they told us, of the putrifaction of the
aire, and other strange things with such confidence, as
if they would extort beliefe from us. We had a great
desire to see these places, but were discouraged from that
attempt, by the feare of the Arabians and Moores : for
m. n 17
A.D.
1 596 .
77/i? bed of the
River Jordan.
The water of
Jordan doth
not corrupt.
The Lake of
Sodom.
B
A.D.
1596 .
The Turkes
cannotrestrain
the Arabians.
[I. iii. 226.]
The mines of
Bethphage.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
they inhabite all these Territories. And I said before,
that the Arabians, howsoever subject to the Turk, yet
exercise continuall robberies with all libertie and impunitie,
the Turkes being not able to restraine them, because they
are barbarous, and live farre from their chiefe power,
where they can easily flye into desart places. Yet these
Barbarians doe strictly observe their faith to those that
are under their protection. And all the Merchants chuse
one or other of the Arabian Captaines, and for a small
pension procure themselves to be received into their
protection, which done, these Captaines proclaime their
names through all their Cities and Tents (in which for
the most part they live), and ever after will severely
revenge any wrong done to them, so as they passe most
safely with their goods. All other men they spoile, and
make excursions with their leaders, and sometime with
their King, to the sea side, as farre as Joppa, and much
further within Land, spoyling, and many times killing
all they meet.
When we returned from Bethania, we declined to the
North side of Mount Olivet, and came to the ruines of
(71) Bethphage, where Christ sent for the Colt of an
Asse, and riding thereupon, while the people cried
Hosanna to the Highest, and laid branches and leaves
under his feet, did enter into Jerusalem. Upon Friday
the seventh of June towards the evening, we tooke our
journey to Bethlehem Juda, and we foure lay consorts,
(the Friars by our consent still having the priviledge to
be free from these expences) delivered jointly foure
zechines to the Friars ours guides, for our charges, whereof
they gave us no other account, then they did formerly,
yet they onely disbursed some small rewards, since we
went on foot, and were otherwise tied to satisfie the Friars
of the Monastery, under the name of gift or almes, for
our diet there : but since they used us friendly, we would
not displease them for so small a matter.
We went out of the City by the gate of Joppa, on
the West side, and so along (72) this line passed by a
18
COMMENTS UPON BETHLEHEM
paved causey beyond Mount Sion, and then ascended
another Mountaine to Bethlehem.
(73) Here they shew the Garden of Uria, and the
Fountaine wherein Bersheba washed her selfe, which at
that time was drie. And from the place where the Tower
of David was seated upon Mount Sion, (noted with the
figure 6), is an easie prospect into this garden.
(74) Here they show the Tower of Saint Simion.
(75) Here is a Tree of Terebinth, which beares a fruit
of a blacke colour, like unto an Olive, yeelding oyle ;
and under this tree they say the Virgine did rest, when
shee carried Christ to be presented in the Temple. For
which cause the Papists make their beades of this tree,
and esteeming them holy, especially when they have
touched the rest of the monuments, they carry them into
Europe, and give them to their friends, for great presents
and holy relikes.
(76) Here they shew a fountaine called of the Wise-
men of the East, and they say that the starre did here
againe appeare to them, after they came from Herod.
(77) Here they shew the ruines of a house, wherein
they say that the Prophet Habakcuk dwelt, and was thence
carried by the haires of the head to feede Daniel in the
Lions Den at Babylon.
(78) Here they shew the Fountaine of the Prophet
Elias, and the stone upon which he used to sleepe, upon
which they shew the print of his head, shoulders, and
other members, which prints have some similitude, but
no just proportion of those members. From a rock
neere this place we did see at once both Jerusalem &
Bethlehem.
(79) Here they shew a Tower and ruines, where the
Patriarck Jacob dwelt, and here againe we did see both
Cities.
(80) Here is an old stately Sepulcher, in which they
say Rachel, Jacobs wife was buried. It is almost of a
round forme, built of stone and lime foure foote high,
having the like cover above it, borne up by foure pillars.
19
A.D.
1596 .
The Garden
of Uria.
A Tree of
Terebinth.
The Fountaine
of the Prophet
Elias.
The Sepulcher
of Rachel.
A.D.
i59 6 -
The Monas-
tery of
Bethlehem.
[I. iii. 227.]
The greater
Church.
The lesse
Church.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
There be two other Sepulchers, but nothing so faire, and
all three are inclosed within one wall of stone.
(81) Here they shew the Fountaine, for the water
whereof David thirsted, yet would not drinke it, when
it was brought with the hazard of blood.
(82) Here the City Bethlehem is seated, which then
was but a Village, having no beauty but the Monastery.
(83) Here the Monastery is seated, large in circuit,
and built rather after the manner of Europe, then Asia,
which the Italian Franciscan Friars, (called Latines, and
more commonly Franckes) doe possesse : but other
Christian sects have their Altars in the Church by speciall
priviledge, and the Turkes themselves comming hither
in Pilgrimage, doe lie within the Church : tor the
Turkes have a peculiar way by a doore of Iron, (made
of old, and kept by them) to enter into the Chappell,
where they say Christ was borne. This Monastery seemes
strong enough against the sudden attempts of the Turkes
or Arabians, yet the Friars in that case dare not resist
them, living onely in safety by the reverence which that
people beares to this place, and by the opinion of their
owne poverty. The greater Church is large, and high,
in which I numbred twenty foure pillars, but my consorts
being more curious, observed that the pillars were set
in foure rankes, every ranke having eleven pillars seven
foote distant one from the other, whereof many were of
porphery, and had beautifull spots. The highest roofe
of the Church on the inside, is painted with Histories
of the Scripture, with a rich painting that shineth with
gold and glasse as if it were enameled, (called in Italian
Alla Mosaica), and the pavement is rich, with stones of
marble, porphery, and Jaspar.
From the lesse Church called of Saint Katherine, we
entred a Cave under the earth, where the Friars gave
every one of us a lighted waxe candle in his hand. Let
them place what religion they will therein, I am sure
the Cave was so darke, as we could not have passed it
without a light. In this Cave wee did first see the bones
20
COMMENTS UPON BETHLEHEM
of the Infants killed by Herod, then the Sepulchers of
Eusebius, and of Saint Jerome in his Chappell, for they
hold that he long dwelt there. Then they did lead us
into a more darke place, where they say he did live an
austere life fifty yeeres space, and translated the Bible
out of Hebrew into Latine, and wrote many volumes.
But the place seemed to me more fit to dull the braine,
then to yeeld such fruites of wit, by reason it was darke,
and digged deepe under ground.
From this Cave we ascended by ten marble staires into
a Chappell, all covered with marble, and lying in length
from the West (at which end we entered) to the East.
And from this West end, as well Turkes as Christians
of all sects, goe upon their knees to the Easterne end,
and there kisse a marked stone in the pavement, in which
verie place they say the Redeemer of the World was
borne. By this stone on the South-side lieth a little
Chappell, having two doores onely divided with a pillar.
In which Chappell at the right hand or West-side, is a
manger, raised from the ground, and all of marble, in
which they say Christ was laid after his birth : and in
the wall they shew a stone having (as they say) the lively
picture of Saint Hierome. In the said little Chappell
on the left hand or East side, they shew a place, where
they say Christ was circumcised, and shed the first drops
of his precious blood for the saving of mankind : And
there they shewed another place, where they say the Wise-
men of the East adored Christ, and offered to him their
gifts. The wals of both Chappels, the pavements, and
all things, are covered with marble. The roofe on the
inside, is painted with the foresaid rich pictures, glistering
like enamelled worke. To conclude, all things are stately
and rich, and remain so under the Turkish tiranny, yet
more rich in the Chappell of Christs birth, then in the
greater Church, where all things then began to fall to
mine, because the Turkes beleeve not that Christ died.
The Turkes doe so reverence this monument of Christs
birth, as they creepe groveling upon hands & knees to
A.D.
1596.
The bonei of
the Infants
killed by
Herod.
Christs birth.
A.D.
1596.
A foolish
Superstition.
[I. iii. 228.]
The fir st Vine.
King Salo-
mon’s garden.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
kisse the said stone ; yet in the meane time they despise
the monuments of his death, because they beleeve not
that he died.
From hence going backe the same way we entered, they
shew upon the right hand, a hole in the highest roofe
of the Church, by which they say the starre that conducted
the Wise-men, fell from above into the bowels of the
earth. Can he forbeare laughter who considers the bignes
of the starres, yea, even of Comets, as some write that
was, specially finding no mention of this falling of the
starre to be made in the holy scriptures. The City or
Village of Bethlehem, is distant from Jerusalem some
five miles, (in Turky I alwaies understand Italian miles),
and we came hither from the Westerne gate of Jerusalem,
through a faire way, and mountaines planted with Vines,
Olives, and fruitfull Trees. Bethlehem is seated upon
Mountaines, and hath pleasant hils on the East and South-
sides, a pleasant plaine on the North-side, ending in great
mountaines towards Jerusalem.
(84) As wee went out of Bethlehem to visit the Monu-
ments, here they shewed us the field, in which the Angell
made knowne the birth of Christ to the Shepheards, and
the Cave wherein they did lie by day, to shun the heate
of the Sunne.
(85) Here they say the Patriarch Lot planted the first
Vine.
(86) Here beyond pleasant Hilles, wee did distinctly
see the Plaine of Jordan, and the dead Sea, with the
situation of Sodom and Gomorra.
(87) Here they say Bethalia was seated of old.
(88) Here we did see the ruines of a house, in which,
they say, Joseph the Virgins Husband did dwell.
(89) Here they say the Virgin hid her selfe from the
tyranny of Herod.
(90) Here they say that King Salomon had his Garden.
The Franciscan Friers sent out of Italy each third
yeere into these parts, did courteously intertaine us at
Bethlehem, and at our first comming, in imitation of
22
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
Christ, they washed our feete. It happened that my
brother fell sicke here of an Ague, and so when our
consorts upon Saterday in the evening returned to
Jerusalem, wee were forced to stay here that night. But
the next day in the evening we came to them at the
Monastery of Jerusalem. And because they made haste
to returne homeward, wee went forth the next day, being
Munday the tenth of June earely in the morning, to see
the Mountaines of Judea. And that day it happened,
that I was troubled with loosenesse of body, whereof I
made good use, as I shall hereafter shew, which makes
me name it.
We went out of the Citie at the Gate of Joppa on the
West side, and upon our right hand they shewed us (91)
this place, where they say that Salomon was anointed
King.
(92) Thence we went right forward to a Fountaine in
the Desart, where they say, Phillip the Apostle did
interpret the Scriptures to the Eunuch of Candace, Queene
of Ethiopia, and baptized him.
(93) Here they say is the Desart, in which John Baptist
preached, and they shewed us his Cave cut out of a Rocke,
and a long stone therein, upon which he used to lye, and
a pleasant spring issuing out of the Rocke, where hee
used to drinke, and another stone upon which he used
to sit.
(94) Here we came to the Mountaines (or Mountanous
places) of Judea, and here they say the Prophet Zacharias
dwelt, where a woman of the Moores kept the Church
of old built there.
(95) From hence a Musket shot, or little more, is
another house, which, they say, belonged to Zacharias,
and in one of these houses, he pronounced the Song,
Blessed bee the Lord God of Israel, &c. And when the
Virgin visited Elizabeth, the Babe here sprang in her
wombe ; and the Virgin here pronounced the Song, My
soule doth magnifie, &c. And John Baptist was borne
here.
A.D.
1 596 .
The Desart in
which John
Baptist
preached.
The house of
Zacharias.
23
A.D.
1596 .
The Crosse of
Christ.
The Church
built upon
Christs
Sepulcher.
[I. iii. 229.]
The descrip-
tion of Christ's
Sepulcher and
the Church
built over it.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
(96) From this place, they say, the Tree was taken,
upon which the Crosse of Christ w'as made, and Greeke
Friers keepe the Church that was here built. This place
is two miles distant from Jerusalem, whether we returned
the same way we came out, and entered the Citie by
the West Gate of Joppa.
The Church built upon Christs Sepulcher of old by
the Christians at Jerusalem, is formerly noted by the
figure (32); and wee entered the same upon Tuesday
the eleventh of June towards the evening, at which time
the Turkish Cady sent us his Officer to open the dore
of it, to whom we payed for tribute after the dore was
opened each of us nine zechines, and besides gave the
Officer or Janizare a small reward lor himselfe. But it
is the custome, that he that hath once payed this tribute,
may any time after enter this Church, without paying
any thing, if he can watch the opportunity of other
Christians entering the same.
The rude, but true figure in plaine of Christs
Sepulcher and the Church built over it at
Jerusalem.
(a) By this one and only dore being of brasse, and on
the South side of the Church, entrance is given into the
said Church. They say there was of old another dore
not farre from this towards the East, but now it was not
extant.
(J$) This marke shewes where the Belfrey stands, which
is of ancient building, and now in great part was ruined,
while the Turkes admit no use of any Belles.
(A) A Marble stone called the stone of Unction, where
they say the body of Christ was imbalmed, before it was
buried. And it is compassed with grates of Iron, having
above it nine Lampes continually burning, maintained
by the nine Sects of Christians.
(B) The Sepulcher of Godfrey King of Jerusalem, to
which other lesse Sepulchers are adjoyning, erected to
24
The figure of Christs Sepulcher and the Church built over it at Jerusalem
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
Kings and Queenes of his Family. And this Sepulcher
hath this Epitaph in Latin :
Here lyes worthy Godfrey of Bullon, who conquered
all this Land to the worship of Christ, whose soule
may it rest in peace. Amen.
(C) The Sepulcher of Baldwine his brother, and suc-
cessor in the Kingdome, with this Epitaph in Latin :
King Balduinus another Judas Machabeus, the Hope
of his Countrey, the Life of the Church, the strength
of both.
These verses added :
Quern formidabant, cui Dona, Tributa ferebant,
.ZEgipti Caesar, Dan, ac homicida Damascus.
Whom Egypt, Dan,’ Damascus homicide,
With gifts and Tributes gladly pacifide.
(D) Here is Mount Calvary, and the staires to ascend
thereunto, the walks of al the building upon it, the Altars,
and the pavements, all shine with Marble ; the roofe on
the inside glisters with the foresaid rich painting, which
seemes to be enameled. And divers Altars are proper
to divers Nations or Sects, for their Rites of Religion.
To these Altars upon the Mountaine, we ascended by
some twenty staires ; and there they shewed us three
holes, wherein the three Crosses of Christ and the two
theeves were erected. And at the figure (i) (where they
say the Crosse of Christ stood) they shewed us stones
rent, or the rending of the Mountaine, when Christ died.
Under this Mountaine in the corner towards the dore
of the Church, they bade us looke in at a little window,
and there they shewed us a scull, which they say was
the scull of Adam, of which they say the Mountaine was
called Golgotha. (2) Without the doore of the Church
we ascended to a Chappell above this Mount, where they
shewed us an Altar, upon which they say Melchisedeck
offered sacrifices. (3) Also a Chappell, where they say
2 5
A.D.
1596.
The descrip-
tion of
Christ's
Sepulcher.
Mount
Calvary.
[I. iii. 230.
A.D.
1596 .
The descrip-
tion of
Christ's
Sepulcher.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Abraham would have offered Isaac. (4) The Altars of
Mount Calvary. (5) A place in the way to the Sepulcher,
where they say, that Christ laid downe his Crosse, and
where the Virgin Marie and John the Evangelist stood
while he was crucified.
(E) Here they shew a stone, which they call Noli me
tangere, that is, Touch me not ; because Christ appearing
here to Marie Magdalen, used those words. (6) And in
this place they say Marie Magdalen stood.
(FFF) Here is a retreat of certaine Chambers and
Chappels, under the keeping of the Latin or European
Friers. For they continually send two or three of their
Friers to bee locked weekely within this Church for the
performance of the Rites of their Religion, whom they
recall at the weekes end to their Monasterie in the Citie,
sending new in their place to attend that service. And
this retreat hath onely a doore to passe into the Church,
but none into the streete.
(G) The Chappell of Apparition, so called, because
they say Christ there appeared to the Virgin Marie after
his Resurrection.
(H) The pillar of whipping, so called, because they
say, Christ was bound to it, when he was beaten with rods.
( h ) This Altar they call the Altar of the holy Crosse.
(I) A most narrow prison, in which they say Christ
was shut up for a little time.
(K) The Chappell where they say, that the Souldiers
divided Christs garments.
(L) Here we descended some fiftie staires into a cave
under the earth, which they have made a Chappell, and
here they say, the Empresse Helena found the Crosse
of Christ, and thereupon built this Chappell, in which
they say, foure pillars many times make a sound of
groaning and sighing, and they shew the very place where
the Crosse of Christ, and where the Crosses of the two
theeves were found.
(N) After Christ was beaten, they say he was forced
to sit here, till they crowned his head with Thornes.
26
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
(P) The Chauncell of the Church.
(p) A hole in the pavement of this Chauncell, which
the Greekes (having the Chauncell to keepe) hold to be
the middest of the World.
( q ) This place lies open over head, having the Sepulcher
on the West side, and two little Marble walles raised
some two foote on the North and South sides, within
which wals the place is paved with Marble. The walles
are so high, as a man cannot conveniently sit upon them.
And in this place they use to pray, before they enter the
Sepulcher.
(r) The outward Chappell or Porch of the Sepulcher,
(as I may so terme it) where the Angell is said to have
appeared to the women. And therein lies a foure-square
stone, fitted to the little dore of the Sepulcher, upon which
stone roled from the dore, they say the Angell did sit,
after Christ was risen.
(ss) These be seats on both sides of this outward
Chappell, in which seates they use to pray, (t) In this
Chappell (so they call the Sepulcher it selfe), and under
the stone noted with blacke, they say the body of Christ
was laied. And this stone is raised as high as an Altar,
and covered with Marble, as all the walles bee. The
little dore by which they enter this Chappell or Sepulcher,
is scarce 3 foote high, and 2 broad, so as they enter it
with difficulty, bending downe their bodies, as if they
crept into a cave. The very stone covering the Sepulcher
(or place where Christs body did lie) is somewhat raised
from the ground, and hath seven foote in length, and
some sixe in bredth. This Sepulcher lyes under the first
Globe of the Church, as the Chauncell lies under the
second, and it lyes under the middle of that Globe ;
neither hath the Church any window, but the Globe
hanging over the Sepulcher, is open in the roofe, and
so giveth light to all the Church. And in the very
Sepulcher, the burning Lampes give light, besides that
the dores lye open. And because raine must needes fall
from the open Globe, the Sepulcher hath a cover borne
27
A.D.
1596.
The descrip-
tion of
Christ's
Sepulcher.
The
Sepulcher.
[I. iii. 231.]
A.D.
I59 6 -
The descrip-
tion of
Christ's
Sepulcher.
The Church
hath the forme
of a Crosse.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
up with pillars of Marble, and laid over with Lead to
receive the raine. The Sepulcher within and without is
beautified with marble, and was cut out of a Rocke before
the Church was built. The Franciscan Friers are for the
most part Italians, but are vulgarly called Francks, of
the French who are in league with the Turkish Ottoman,
and they have the priviledge of singing their Masses in
the Sepulcher (not of free grant, but because they are
best able to pay for their priviledges) ; yet it is free for
any of the Christian Sects to come into the Sepulcher.
They say, that from the situation of this Sepulcher, the
custome came among Christians, to be buried with
their feet & face towards the East, as expecting the
resurrection.
(V) A Chappell kept by the Sect of the Gofti.
(X) The Sepulchers of Joseph of Arimathea, and of
Nicodemus.
(Y) The Chappell of the Jacobites.
(Z) The Chappell of the Abissines.
(X) The Chappell of the Armenians.
(X X) The Chappell of the Georgians.
Some write, that this Church hath the forme of a Crosse,
and if the retreat or chambers of the Italian Friers with
the Chappell of Aparition on the North side, and the
two Towers of the Belfrey on the South side, be joyntly
considered with the Church, (which seeme rather fastned
thereunto then of the same building), a superstitious
man may faigne to himselfe the figure of a Crosse, but
shall never plainely demonstrate it to others. Above the
roofe of the Church on the outside, are two faire Globes,
whereof the greater covered with leade, lies over the
Sepulcher, and the lesse, all made of stone, is over the
Chauncell. And this greater Globe, on the inside of the
Church is beautified with engraven Cedar trees, and borne
up with pillars of Marble, and the lesse hath faire pictures
of the foresaid rich painting, shining like enameled worke.
The breadth of the Church under both Globes, containes
seventie paces, and the length 140 paces and in generall
28
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
as well within as without, it retaines only the shaddow
of the old magnificence.
We entred the Church on Tuesday in the afternoone,
and were locked there in all the night following, and
almost all the next day, to fulfill our devotions. But I
formerly said, that the Italian Friers have chambers of
retreat within the Church, in which we did eate and rest
at our pleasure. Yet these chambers and the like retreats
(wherein the Priests of other Sects with their wives,
children and family doe lodge, and eate, and performe
the rites of their Religion), have not any one dore into
the streete, but all enter the Church, and goe forth by
the foresaid onely dore of the Church towards the South,
and the key of this dore is kept by the Turkes, who open
it at set times, to admit strangers, and once every weeke,
to let the Friers returne to their Monasteries, and to
receive new Friers into the Church, which are sent from
thence, to performe the severall rites of Religion. And
this dore hath a grate or little window, at which the
inclosed Friers may talke with their friends without, and
receive meate sent them from their Monasteries.
Nine sundry Sects of Christians have their Monasteries
within this City, by whom the great Turke and his officers
have great profit, and the Turkes themselves repute all
the monuments and places holy, which Christ in his life
frequented : but this monument of his death, and other
like they despise, and keepe them onely for their profit.
From the said Monasteries, Friers are weekely sent to
performe their severall rites, and at the weekes end they
are recalled to the Monasteries, and new sent in their
place ; which custome I thinke they take from the Jewes.
For when David divided the twentie foure Families of
the sonnes of Aaron into twentie foure courses, that each
of them might one after the other in due order performe
the holy offices in the Temple, Josephus writes, that these
courses, or Families in order one after the other lived
in the Temple from Sabbath to Sabbath, to performe those
duties.
A.D.
I 59 6 -
The descrip-
tion of
Christ's
Sepulcher.
Nine Sects of
Christians.
[I. iii. 232.]
2 9
A.D.
1596.
i. The
Frankes.
2. The
Georgians.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Of these nine Christian Sects, each hath priviledges
to keepe this or that monument within the Citie, and in
the field, in which places they performe the rites of their
Religion. And according to the number of the Sects,
they maintaine nine Lampes continually burning in the
foresaid common Church upon the stone of Unction, as
many upon the Sepulcher, and as many upon Mount
Calvarie. The nine Sects are thus called ; Franks (namely,
the Italians), Georgians, Greekes, Sorians, Costi, Abissines,
Armenians, Nestorians, and Maronites.
The Religion of the Frankes (namely, Papists) is so
well knowne, as I will omit it here, and referre it to his
due place. I will onely say, that they have the keeping
of the Sepulcher, the Chappell of Aparition (and therein
of the pillar of whipping) and of one Altar upon Mount
Calvarie, for the performance of their rites.
The Georgians are a warlike Nation, inhabiting Media,
and the Caspian Mountaines, and have their name of
Saint George, whom they have chosen their protecting
Saint. They have a King, and making warre valiantly
sometimes upon the Turkes, sometimes upon the Persians,
could never bee conquered by either. Yea, if they bee
oppressed by either, they easily finde helpe from the other,
out of their mutuall hatred. Therfore they pay no tribute
to the Turkes, but by singular priviledge freely enter
into Jerusalem armed, and with banner displaied. Neither
dare the Turkes offer them the least injurie, lest when
they returne home, they should revenge it upon the
Turkes lying neare them. Their very women are war-
like, like the Amazons, and carrying bowes, shew valour
both in countenance and behaviour. The men weare
long haire on their heads and beards, save that they all
are shaven like Clerkes upon the Crowne of the head,
the Lay-men in a foure-square, the Priests in a round
forme. They expresly follow the Religion, Rites, and
Ceremonies of the Greekes, and in their Divine service
use the Greeke tongue, otherwise speaking their owne
language (as I thinke Caldean.) These in the Church
3 °
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
of Jerusalem have the keeping of Mount Calvary, and
the Altar there built over the place, where they say the
Crosse of Christ stood, and in the Citie they keepe the
house of the High Priest Annas.
Of the Greekes Religion I must speake at large in
his due place. Now I will onely say, that in the Church
they keepe the Chauncell, and therein shew a hole in
the pavement compassed with Marble, which they say
is the very middle point of the world. Against which
opinion I argued with them, and objected, that the earth
is round, and that in a Globe the center is in the middest,
all centers in the outside being but imaginarie, and to
be placed wheresoever the measurer will. Also that in
measuring (after their manner) the outside of the earth,
Palestina was farre distant from the Equinoctiall line,
which divideth the World into equall parts. And if
Palestina were just under that line, yet that all the
countries having the same Meridian, should be the
middest of the World, aswell as Palestina. They
answered, that David saith in his Psalmes ; In the middest
of the World I will worke their salvation. To which I
replied, that the middest of the World was there taken
for the face, and in the sight of the World, so as none
should be able to denie it. Whereupon they grew angry,
and said, that the Scripture must be beleeved, in spite
of all Cosmographers and Philosophers. It had been
vaine to dispute further with them, there being not one
learned man among these Greekes at Jerusalem. And to
say truth, (if you except the Greeke Hands under the
Venetians), they have few or no learned men. For my
part, I never found in all the vast Empire of Ottoman
any learned Greeke, but onely one, called Milesius, who
was after made Patriarke of Constantinople. And these
Greekes, as in this point, so in all other, follow the literall
sense of the Scriptures. For which cause they also beleeve
the corporall presence of Christ in the Sacrament. And
whereas Saint Paul saith, Let the Bishop be the husband
of one wife, &c. they so interpret it, as if the Priests wife
31
A.D.
1596 .
3. The
Greekes.
[I. iii. 233.]
A.D.
1596 .
4 . The
Sorians.
5 . The
Costi.
6 . The
Abisines.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
die within few dayes after his mariage, yet he may never
marry againe.
The Sorians are so called of Syria, in which Province
they live, having their owne Patriarke, neither could they
ever bee brought to consent to the Roman faith : for
whatsoever the Romanes challenge due to the Seat of
S. Peter, that they say rather belongeth to them, in respect
Saint Peter was Bishop of Antioch. They agreed with
the Greekes in many things, they denie Purgatorie, they
fast foure Lents in the yeere, they permit their Priests
to marrie, they use the Greeke tongue in their Divine
service, and otherwise speake their owne language (which
I take to be the Arabian tongue.) In Jerusalem Church
they keepe the Sepulchers of Joseph of Aramathia, and
of Nicodemus, and in the Citie they keepe the house
of Saint Marke, noted with the figure (37.)
The Costi are Egyptians, dwelling about Numidia.
They retaine the heresie of Arrius, and follow the Cere-
monies of the Abissines. This I write upon the report
of the Italian Friers, who are to be blamed if it be not
true. These in the Church keepe the Chappell, wherein
Godfrey and his Regall Family lye buried, and the Cave
under Mount Calverie, where they say the scull of Adam
lies, and have also their proper Altar upon Mount
Calvarie.
The Abissines inhabit the South parts of Africk, and
they are subject to their King Preti-Giani. They received
the Christian faith of the Eunuch baptized by Phillip,
and themselves are baptized not onely with water, but
with the signe of the Crosse printed in their flesh with
hot Iron, gathering that fire is as necessary to Baptisme
as water, out of those words of S. John Baptist ; I baptise
you with water, but he shall baptise you with the Spirit
and fire. Also they use the Jewes and Mahometans
circumcision, like wary Notaries, who fearing to faile in
their assurance, never think they have used words enough ;
yet doe they greatly hate the Jewes, and thinke their
Altars defiled, if they doe but looke upon them. They
32
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
give the Sacrament of our Lords Supper to very children,
and they (as all the rest excepting the Franks, that is,
Papists), give it in both kindes. When they sing Masse
or Psalmes, they leape and clap their hands, and like the
Jewes use Stage-Players actions. They use their owne,
that is, the Egyptian tongue, in Divine service, and
observing a Lent of fiftie dayes at one time, do greatly
macerate their bodies. In the Church they keepe the
Chappell adjoyning to the Sepulcher, and the pillar where
they say Christ was crowned with Thornes.
The Armenians are so called of the Province Armenia,
which they inhabite, and they call their chiefe Bishop
Catholicon, whom they reverence as another Pope. They
disagree with the Greekes, and rather apply themselves
to the Franks ; yet they keepe not the Feast of Christs
birth, but fast that day. They keepe the Roman Lent,
but more strictly, abstaining from Fish, and very Oyle
(which they use for butter), but upon some Holy-dayes
in that time, they eate flesh. They mingle no water with
the Wine of the Sacrament, as the Papists doe, but with
them, they lift up the bread, (yea and the Cup also) to
be worshipped. Of old, with reservation of customes,
they joyned themselves to the Roman Church ; but finding
the Pope to give them no helpe against their enemies,
they quickly fell from him. The very Lay men are
shaved like Clerkes upon their heads, but in the forme
of a Crosse, and their Priests keepe the haire of their
heads long, in two tufts, placing therein great Religion.
In the Church they keepe the pillar, where they say the
garments of Christ were parted, and lots cast upon his
Coate, and in the Citie, the place where they say Saint
James was beheaded, and the house of the High Priest
Cayphas, upon Mount Sion.
The Nestorians are so called of the Monke Nestorius,
who infected the Persians, Tartars, and Jewes, with his
heresie. They give the Sacrament of the Lords Supper
in both kindes, and that to children as well as men. They
use the Caldean tongue in divine service, and otherwise
m. ii 33 c
A.n.
1596 .
7 . The
Armenians.
8 . The
Nestorians.
a.d.
1 59 6 -
9. The
Maronites.
[I. iii. 234.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
the Arabian. In the Church they keepe the prison,
wherein they say Christ was shut up.
The Maronites inhabite Phaenicia, and the Mount of
Libanus, and they use the Syrian tongue in their divine
service, namely, (as I thinke) the Arabian. And they
said, that these men for poverty were lately fled from
Jerusalem. Some make mention of a tenth sect, namely,
the Jacobites, (named of Jacob, Disciple to the Patriarke
of Alexandria), who live mingled among Turkes &
Tartares, inhabiting partly Nubia in Afrike, partly the
Provinces of India. I remember not to have seene any
such at my being there, neither yet to have heard any
mention of them ; yet others write that they admit
circumcision as well as baptisme, and besides print the
signe of the Crosse by an hot Iron, in some conspicuous
part of their body, that they confesse their sinnes onely
to God, not to their Priests, that they acknowledge but
one nature in Christ, that in token of their faith they
make the signe of the Crosse with one finger, and give
the Sacrament of our Lords Supper in both kinds, yea,
to Infants, as well as to those who are of full age.
I cannot omit an old Spanish woman, who had for
many yeeres lived there, locked up in the Temple, lodging
every night at the doore of the sepulcher, and having
her diet by the Friars almes. Shee said that shee came
to Jerusalem to expiate her sinnes by that holy pilgrimage,
that shee had then beene there seven yeeres ; and in that
time had alwaies lived in the Church, and that shee would
not refuse any opportunity to goe backe into Spaine,
but otherwise would die there, & thereby thought to
merit much of God. Neither doe I thinke shee lost the
hope of this vaine merit, since it was not easie to find a
man who would carry an old woman, and beare her charges
so long a journey.
The stone of unction in the Church, is common to
all the nine Christian sects, neither doe the Keepers of
any other monuments refuse any Christian to enter into
them, but onely by priviledge keepe their Altars private
34
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
to themselves. Most of the sects have their Monasteries
in the City, and (as I formerly said) each of them hath
the priviledge to keepe some monuments, as well within
as without the wals. But some of the sects only come
to Jerusalem at solemne feasts, and dwelling neere the
City, easily maintaine a Friar or two, to keepe their
monuments, and so are freed from the necessity of
building a monastery in the City.
Upon Wednesday the twelfth of June towards evening,
the Turkes did open the Church to let us out, and each
of us Lay-men gave the chiefe Turke thirty meidines,
and the Doore-keeper twenty of free gift ; and for the
waxe candles burnt the night before in the Church, each
gave sixty meidines to one of our Italian Friars. This
done, we returned to the Monastery, where we lodged,
with great joy that we were presently to goe backe to
Joppa.
I formerly said that the Franciscan Friars with whom
we lodged, were of Europe, whether at three yeeres end
they were to be recalled, and some fifty new Friars to be
sent hither in their place, which still each third yeere use
to be changed. And these Friars are called the Family
of Frankes, for the great Turke permits them as French
to live there, and forbids the comming of any Spanish
or Roman Friars : yet are they for the most part of
Sicily, Naples, or Rome ; but denying their Countrey,
affirme that they are Venetians, and if they were knowne
to be subjects to Spaine or Rome, they should incurre
great danger. Of them some few are indeed Venetians,
and at this time some two were Frenchmen. All these
live of the almes of the Merchants in the East of their
Religion, who for the most part are Italians, and especially
Venetians : yet hath the Monastery also some rents of
Lands given to it of old in Sicily and in Spaine ; and
from thence they bring with them every third yeere at
their first arrivall, a present of great value to the Turkish
Ottoman. I said formerly, that of old the Venetians
yeerly sent a gaily to carry Pilgrimes to the Holy Land,
35
A.D.
1596 .
Gifts to the
Turkes.
The Francis-
can Friars.
The Venetians
sent a gaily
yeerly to the
Holy Land.
A.D.
1596 .
[I. iii. 235.]
The Friars
dispersed.
Toies of no
worth.
V ertues
attributed to
stones.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
till the Christians were so oppressed by exactions of the
Turkes, as they rarely undertooke that journey, and so
the Venetians also left that custome. From that time this
Family of Frankes, (so these Friars are called) useth to
passe in a Venetian ship to Cyprus, and from thence to
Joppa, in the Holy Land, hiring there a Graecian barke
to that purpose ; and in like sort the old Family upon
the arrivall of the new, returnes into Italy. And as soone
as this family arriveth, they disperce themselves, the
greater part abiding at Jerusalem and Bethlehem, and
some single men or couples being sent to doe the office
of Priests at Cayro (or Babylon) in .Egypt, at Haleppo
in Asia, (where most part of their Merchants reside) and
at Scanderona, (of old by all, and still by Christians called
Alexandretta). These Friars thus dispersed, are not onely
maintained by the Merchants to whom they are sent,
but they also send from them large almes to the rest at
Jerusalem, and they often change places, that all may
equally beare these burthens.
We being now to take our journey from Jerusalem,
many Christians and Jewes brought us divers toies, to
buy and carry with us, being of no worth, save onely
that they were far fetcht, namely, beades for Papists to
number their praiers, and also crosses, both made of the
earth whereof they say Adam was formed, or of the Olive
trees of Mount Olivet, or of Terebinth, (under one of
which trees they say the Virgin Mary rested, when shee
carried Christ an Infant to be presented in the Temple),
and round stones called Cornioli, of yellow colour, and
others of white, called the Sea-water of India. Also
girdles of the Virgin Mary, & glistering stones of litle
price (as all the rest are.) Among which they attribute
to the stone of Judea, the vertue to provoke urine, to
the Eagles stone called Aquilina, the virtue to expell
poyson, to facilitate the birth of children, to heale the
falling sickenesse, to restore weomens milke, and so to
divers stones, divers and incredible virtues. Besides, our
Franciscan Friars gave each to his friend and the Guardian
36
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
to us all, Agnos Dei, Dust and little stones taken from
the fore said monuments, for a great treasure to be carried
to our friends at home. Moreover they gave to each of
us freely and unasked (as it seemes of custome) as well
to us Lay-men as to the Friars, a testimony under the
seale of the Monastery, that we had beene at Jerusalem,
and for better credit, they expressed therein some
markable signes of our faces and bodies.
Now there remained nothing but the Epilogue of the
Comedy, that we should make some fit present to the
Guardian of the Monastery, in satisfaction for our diet,
and the curtesie of the Friars towards us, which my selfe
and my brother thought very fit to be done : but two
of the Friars our consorts, either wanting money, or
used to eate of free cost, did not onely refuse to give
any thing, but perswaded the French Lay-men to joine
with them in deniall thereof. The third Friar our consort,
and for his experience used by the other as a Conducter,
hearing this, did vehemently reprove them, using these
words in French ; Que voules vous doncques payer en
blanche? (that is, what will you then pay them in white?)
which phrase they use when a man requites a curtesie
in words, or faire written promises, not really. They
on the other side, no lesse angry, answered that it was
unfit and irreligious for Friars to extort gifts from
Christian Pilgrimes. My selfe and my brother laughed
to our selves hearing this difference, for we found now,
and had often heard, that these Friars were most deare
Hosts, and that as they in England, who referre their
payment to pleasure, are alwaies over-paid, so these Friars
asking nothing for diet, yet under the title of gift or
almes, expect more then any the most greedy Host could
demand : yet lest we should provoke them, either to
hinder our departure, or to doe us any shrewd turne,
as they most easily might doe : yea, lest they should
surmise my selfe and my brother to be authours or partners
of this conspiracy, I perswaded the French Lay-men
our consorts, that howsoever the Friars still remained
37
A.D.
x 59 6 -
Testimony
under the seal
of the
Monastery.
Presents to the
guardian of the
Monastery.
Greedy
Friars.
A.D.
1596 .
All things
cheap in the
Holy Land.
[I. iii. 236.]
An error in
judgment.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
obstinate to give nothing, yet we foure should present
the Guardian some sixe zechines. This effected, the
Guardian dismissed us for good sons, yet in truth we
were wel contented with this faire occasion to restraine
our gift, which howsoever it were farre from bounty, yet
was it free from base sparing, since we gave at Bethlehem
for our diet another present to those Friars, and while
we visited the monuments of Jerusalem, being daily
abroad, and commonly dining in Villages, we were onely
beholding to these Friars for some ten suppers, besides
that we had alwaies professed poverty (most safe to
strangers). To which may be added, that in this Province,
(whether for aboundance of all things, or want of mony)
all things were sold at cheap rate : for when we went
out to see the mountaines or hill Countrey of Judea, and
dined in a Village, I remember we bought twenty egges
for a meidine, and a pound of mutton for five meidines,
foure cakes for one, and a hen for two meidines and a
halfe. In the Monastery they gave us enough of mutton,
hennes, and sallets, and of good wine, but somwhat
sharpe ; and the Friars our consorts did eate continually
with the Friars, and we Lay-men by our selves, the Friars
onely once inviting us to eate with them in the publike
Refectory.
If this discourse makes any surmise that we did some
things against our conscience while wee lived in this
Monastery, let him reade the foure and twentie Precept
of Dissimulation in the Chapter of Precepts, the third
Part, and the first booke, wherein I have explaned my
opinion of the outward reverence of the body shewed
in time of the Papists Divine service. And for the rest,
let him know, that I now confesse (as I did formerly)
that we therein erred, that we did not first goe to
Constantinople or Haleppo, from whence having a
Janizare to guide us, chosen by our Ambassador or
Merchants, we might have escaped many of those troubles,
which now we indured being alone, and that with no
greater charge then now we were at, since these troubles
38
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
increased our charge ; and might also easily have obtained
any courtesie at these Friers hands, or at least have seene
Jerusalem safely, though they were ill affected to us. But
since many things diverted us from this course, and now
we were fallen into these Italian Friers hands, we thought
best to bring our selves out of this danger by discretion
and moderation in our deeds and words. Also I confesse,
that in those dayes my conscience was not so tender, as
since (by the grace of God) I have found it, yet was it
never so unsensible, as it could have passed over the
worshipping of an Idoll, or the denying of my faith. If
I had here gone to Masse, it would seeme no wonder to
our English Gentlemen, who have lived any time in
Italy ; and I am confidently of opinion, that no man
returnes home with more detestation of the Papists
Religion, then he who well instructed in the truth, hath
taken the libertie to behold with his eyes their strange
superstitions, which one of experience may well see,
without any great participation of their folly. For my
part, as I had alwaies been unwilling to bee present at
their Masse, so I abhorred from the receiving of the
Lords Supper with them. And this was the highest
mischiefe, which we could be forced to incurre at
Jerusalem. Now for the Communion of our Lords
Supper, except it be in great sicknesse and danger of
death, they never impose it so earnestly on any man, as
hee may not with discreete answeres put it off till another
time, without all suspition of contrarietie in Religion.
For their Masses, they never sing or mumble them, but
in the mornings, and that fasting. Now we came the
fourth of June in the afternoone to Jerusalem, and the
fifth and sixth dayes we went abroad before full day, to
see the monuments, and returned not to the Monasterie
till night, at which time the greatest offence to our
conscience that could happen, was to heare them sing
Psalmes in their Chappell. Upon Friday the seventh of
June we tooke our journey to Bethlehem, where my
brother falling sick, we had scarse leasure to satisfie our
39
A.D.
1596 .
Detestation of
the Papists
religion.
The
Communion of
cur Lords
Supper.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D
1596 .
The moun-
tain es of
Judea.
The masse
avoided by
pretence of
great
sicknesse.
[I. iii. 237.]
curiositie, much lesse to bee present at any unpleasing
rites of their Religion. Upon Saturday, the eight of
June, our consorts returning to Jerusalem, we tooke
occasion by my brothers sicknesse to stay at Bethlehem,
and came not to Jerusalem till Sunday at night. On
Munday the ninth of June we visited the Mountaines
or Hill Countrey of Judea, at which time my brother
was so ill disposed, as our Consorts themselves doubted
his death, and for my part I was all the day troubled
with a loosenesse of body. And because the greatest
danger of our participating with them in their Rites, was
like to be, when we should be locked with them in the
Church of the Sepulcher, which onely remained to be
seene by us, I made such use of this my brothers and
my owne weakenesse, as increasing their opinion of his
danger, and my selfe lighting from my Asse oftner then
I had cause, to make them thinke my sicknesse the greater,
it happened that in the evening our consorts burning with
desire of returning homeward, appointed the next day
for the visiting of the Sepulcher : but I in respect of
my owne and my brothers weakenesse, desired to have it
deferred some few dayes, till the very Friers our consorts,
impatient of delay, and yet unwilling to incurre the
blame of leaving us behind them, made free offer to
us of that which wee most desired, saying, that in their
chambers within the Church, they had beds for us to rest
upon, and that they would provide us meate, and all
necessaries, which we could have staying in the Monastery.
We gladly took this condition, and so being locked up
in the Church of the Sepulcher upon Tuesday the eleventh
of June in the afternoone, after we had satisfied our
curiositie, we laid us downe upon the beds, and onely
forbearing meate for avoiding of suspition, we rested
there till Wednesday the twelfth of June in the afternoone,
when we came forth, and returned to the Monastery.
The thirteenth day we had no thought but of making
us ready for our returne, and the next day early in the
morning, wee departed from Jerusalem. So as in all this
40
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
time, the Friers themselves our consorts, had no leasure
to bee at a Masse, but onely the Sunday when we were
at Bethlehem, and in the Church of the Sepulcher, when
upon pretence of sicknesse we rested on our beds. Other-
wise we professed our selves Catholiques, as the Papists
will be called, yet enemies to the King of Spaine, as the
enemie of our Queene and Country. And when our
superstitious consorts, being now to leave Jerusalem, had
gathered great heapes of stones from the monuments, to
carrie into their Country, and had received of the
Guardians gift, for great treasure, holy beades, Agnus
Dei, and like trash, wee so refused to take any such
burthen, as still we bewailed our misfortune, that we
being not to returne the right way home, as they did,
but to passe to Constantinople, could not carrie such
reliques with us, lest they should fall into some Turks
hands, who might abuse them. And when our consorts
at Bethlehem printed the signe of the Crosse with inke
and a pen-knife upon their armes, so as the print was never
to bee taken out, wee would not follow them in this small
matter, but excused our selves, that being to passe home
through many Kingdomes, we durst not beare any such
marke upon our bodies, whereby wee might bee knowne.
Besides, it was some advantage to us, that the Frenchmen
our consorts were of their Kings partie, and professed no
lesse hate against Spaine then our selves.
To conclude, the Friers of our consorts told me and
my brother, that the Guardian would make us Knights
of the Sepulcher, so we would crave that honour, which
was never granted to any but them that craved it, in
which case they offered to be intercessors for us. I well
knew that they had offered this honour (as they termed
it) to a Plebean Frenchman our consort, and had heard,
that the Friers used this art to get money from Pilgrimes,
making no difference to whom they gave this title. And
for my part, I never affected titles, thinking better to be
of an inferiour condition with plenty, then of high degree
with want. Therefore I so answered them, as giving
41
A.D.
1596.
Good excuses
for not bearing
treasures* or
* - ,
markes.
Frenchmens
hatred against
Spaine.
A.D.
1596.
The Friers
full of money
but the other
Sects poore.
Honest
dissembling.
[I. iii. 238.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
due thanks for their courtesie, yet I professed, that if I
were worthy of that title, I might not crave it, nor receive
it offered, in respect of the oath imposing militarie duties
upon me, and the profession of service to the King of
Spaine, the publique enemy of our Country ; besides
that, I should be tied thereby, to hate and prosecute all
of the reformed Religion, which many of my friends and
kinsmen professed. It is true that if wee had had a
Janizare to guide and protect us, wee might have lodged
in Jerusalem with some Christian, who would have shewed
us the monuments, without troubling the Italian Friers.
And it is well knowne, that the great Turke gives libertie
to all Religions. But the other Sects of Christians being
poore, and these Friers being full of money, aswell the
Christians as Turkes depend greatly upon them, so as if
they would, they might easily have brought us into
danger, neither could wee have had such convenient diet
and lodging with any other, as with them. And how-
soever by our Merchants helpe, we might have obtained
letters from the Italian Merchants at Haleppo, for our
entertainement and good usage in this Monastery, yet
since for the foresaid reasons we had at Cyprus committed
our selves to the protection of the Friers our consorts,
we had now no meanes but honest dissembling to free
our selves from danger : For it had been easie for these
Friers secretly to have drawne us into danger of life, and
we knew that Papists make no conscience, or rather thinke
it meritorious to use like practises against those of our
Religion. And if they would not practise against our
lives, yet we knew that they might have cast us into many
dangers, both here and in our returne through Italy, if
wee should have provoked them to wish us ill. Therefore
this our foresaid dissembling may well bee excused,
especially since thereby wee did not in any sort wound
our consciences to my best remembrance.
Now that this dissembling might prove more profitable
and honest, it behooved us thorowly to know our consorts,
and so to apply our selves to them. Of which the two
42
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
French Lay-men were yong, and of no experience in the
World ; and one of the Friars was more simple then sim-
plicity it selfe, so as small art was required to deceive these.
The second Friar had beene a Souldier in the warre of
France, and had made himselfe Friar after the peace, onely
to escape the privat revenge of some, whose friends he
had killed, for they never seeke revenge of those that
put on a religious habite, and to gaine this mans love,
it was sufficient to use good fellowship towards him. The
third Friar had a sharpe wit, joined with the wisdome of
experience, so as all the rest chose him for their guide,
and to governe their expences. And because he might
easily incense our consorts, and the Friars at Jerusalem
against us, we thought good to gaine his good will, by
all good respects to him ; so as howsoever we were not
ignorant to manage our owne affaires, yet joining our
selves to the rest, we made him also governour of our
expences, to witnesse our confidence in his love, and cared
not to beare some losse, so we might bind him to us
under the title of friendship, which we easily effected
with him, being of a curteous disposition. To conclude,
I did often experience his good will, and howsoever I
found him lovingly and courteously to make us respected,
as well of our consorts as the Friars at Jerusalem, yet I
perceived by many and cleere arguments, that he thought
us to differ from him in religion. For in particular when
I refused (for the foresaid reasons, and with due modesty)
the Friars offer to make me Knight of the Sepulcher, he
smiling, said to me, (alluding to my name) in the French
tongue ; En verite vous estes fin, &c. That is, in truth
you are crafty as your name imports, but I will endeavour
to make the Guardian interpret your excuse to the best.
Besides his friendship, it was no small advantage to us,
that our stay at Jerusalem was so short, as the time
permitted them not to inquire after our religion. By the
aforesaid art wee freed our selves from all danger, yet
would I not advise any by imitating us to incurre the
like, who can have the foresaid better commodities of
43
A.D.
1596.
A Souldier
made Friar to
escape privat
revenge .
A curteous
fellow-
traveler.
A.D.
1596 .
A Tragic all
example of
Englishmen
and
Flemmings.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
performing this journey, since it would bee hard for any
so to disguise their condition, who have not first had good
practice and acquaintance with Friars in Italy, as my selfe
had. Besides that, all our skill was sharpened to greater
warinesse, by a late Tragicall example of others, the
memory whereof was daily and hourely before our eies.
For we beheld upon the wall in the chamber where
we lodged, the names written of Henry Bacon, and
Andrew Verseline, (two English Gentlemen), of Abraham
Serwenterb Frederichson, and Henry Vonwildt Peterson
Van Narden, (two Flemmings), whose names were written
there upon the foureteenth of August, 1595? an< ^ l a Y
before us, both sleeping and waking, warning us like so
many prodigies or visions to take wary heed to our steps.
These foure comming in company to Jerusalem, had beene
received into this Monastery, and when they had seene
the monuments within and neere Jerusalem, they went
to Bethlehem, where it happened that upon a health
drunke by the Flemmings to the King of Spaine, which
the English refused to pledge, they fell from words to
blowes, so as two of them returned wounded to the
Monastery of Jerusalem. Then these Italian Friars,
(according to the Papists manner, who first make the sicke
confesse their sinnes, and receive the Lords Supper, before
they suffer Physitian or Apothecary to come to them, or
any kitchin physicke to be given them) : I say the Friars
pressed them to confesse their sinnes, and so to receive
the Lords Supper, which when they refused to doe, it
was apparant to the Friars, that they were of the reformed
Religion, (whom they terme heretikes). Whereupon the
Friars beganne to neglect them (I will not say to hate
them) : and while the two which were wounded staied
for recovery of their health, and so detained the other
two with them, it happened that the third fell sicke. So
as none had their health now, but Master Verseline, who
lovingly and like a servant more then a friend, provided
all necessaries for his companion Master Bacon, till at
last himselfe also fell sicke, and was the first of them that
44
COMMENTS UPON JERUSALEM
died. Then within eight daies space, all the rest died,
either for that they were neglected by the Friers, (which
I thinke sufficient in that Countrey to cast away any in
their case), or by their too much care, namely by poison
(as some suspect) : for the Friars have one of their order,
who is skilfull in physicke, and hath a chamber furnished
with cooling waters, sirops, and other medicines most fit
for that Countrey. When they were dead, the Friars
gave into the Turkes hands, the bodies of the two
Flemmings and Master Verseline, (who had little store
of crownes, which belonged to the great Turke, as heire
to all strangers), and the Turkes permitted them to be
buried upon Mount Syon without the wals, in the Church
yard proper to the Christians of Europe : But Master
Bacon, overliving the rest, and now seeing his life to
depend upon the Friars care of him, shewed a Novice
Friar long bracelets of peeces of gold twined about his
arme, and promising to give them all to him, and greater
rewards if he would goe with him into England, so as
he would take care of him in his sickenesse, he had
perswaded the young Friar to goe with him into England,
and to promise him faithfull service there : yet when
this Novice at his confession made this knowne, and after
verified as much to the Guardian and chiefe Friars, I
know not whether the hope of this booty made him die
sooner, but I am sure he lived very few daies after. And
give me leave to tell the truth, these Friars either to
gaine his money, (which was due to the Great Turke),
or for feare that inquisition should be made by the Turkes
after the cause of his death, appearing by manifest signes
upon his body (as others suspected and reported), I say
these Friers buried this Gentleman in a yard of their
Monastery secretly, which if the Great Turke or any of
his Magistrates had knowne, no doubt they would gladly
have taken this occasion to extort much money from the
Frires, since by the like forged accusations, they use
sometimes to oppresse them ; the very Turkes having at
other times themselves buried dead bodies within the
A.D.
1596 .
[I. iii. 239.]
A Friar
skilfull in
physicke.
Master Bacon
secretly
buried.
45
A.D.
1 596.
Turkes frauds.
Jerusalem had
foure Gover-
nours in one
yeeres space.
The Turkish
officers at
Jerusalem.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
circuit of the Monastery, and after caused them to be
digged up, as if they had beene casually found ; and then
crying that their Ottoman was deceived, put the Friars
to pay large ransomes for redeeming of their lives. And
let no man wonder that these hungry Governours of Cities
and Provinces in Turkey, should use like frauds to intrap
Christians, (as they doe very frequently,) since they buy
their Offices, and many times are recalled, before they
be warme in their seats, if any man at Constantinople
offer larger summes for their imployment.
So as this one Province of Palestine, and one City of
Jerusalem, (though having small or no trafficke), hath
had in one yeeres space foure Zaniacci, the old being
recalled to Constantinople, assoone as his successour had
outbribed him there. And this is one of the greatest
mischiefes in this Empire, since starveling flies sucke much
more, then those that are fully gorged. The foresaid
Zaniacco is chiefe Governour for military and civill affaires
of all Pallestine, and lies at Jerusalem in the house of
Pontius Pilate. His Substitute or Liefetenant is called
Caiake, who cast one of our consorts for a time into
prison, because he complained of the Turkish exactions,
and his owne poverty. The third Magistrate is called
Cady, who governes Ecclesiastiall matters, and dwelt in
Salomons house (as they call it) at Jerusalem, neere the
yard of the old Temple of the Jewes, (in which now a
Turkish Mosche was built) ; and of this man we had our
leave to enter the City, and to see the sepulcher, and
being called before him, we were commanded to put off
our shooes, he sitting crosse leg’d (like a Tailor) on the
ground upon a Turkey Carpet. The fourth Magistrate
was called Agha, who kept the Castle of Jerusalem, and
when we walked one evening on that part of the roofe
of our Monastery, whence we had the fairest prospect into
the City, he sent a messenger to command us to retire
from beholding the Castle, or otherwise he would discharge
a peece of Ordinance at us.
46
FROM JERUSALEM TO CANDIA
A.D.
1596 -
Chap. III. [t- ii' 2+°-]
Of our journey from Jerusalem, by land to Joppa,
by Sea to Tripoli in Syria, by land to Haleppo
and Scanderona, and of our passage by Sea to
the Hand Candia.
Pon Friday the fourteenth of June, in the
yeere 1596 we went out of Jerusalem,
and by the same way, and in the same
manner as wee came, rode backe to
Ramma, delivering to our guide as many
zechines as before, to pay for the Turkish
exactions, and to our Muccari for their
Asses which we had hired. Neither did any memorable
thing happen to us by the way, save that when we came
neere to Ramma, and by chance rode over the place of
buriall for the Turks, where some women were then
mourning for their dead friends, they thinking it a reproch
that we should ride over their graves, did with inraged
countenances fling stones at us, till wee appeased them
by dismounting from our Asses. The fifteenth of June
we came backe to Joppa, where our guide gave three
meidines to a Janizare, that hee would beate with a cudgell
certaine Arabians, who had offered us wrong by the way,
which hee did readily and roundly. Then without delay
we went aboard our little Greeke Barke, which (according
to our bargaine at Cyprus) staied here for our returne.
For the Master thereof was further tied to transport us
from hence to Tripoli in Syria, neither had he yet received
full paiment for transporting us hither, the money being
left in Cyprus with an Italian Merchant, who was to pay
it him at his returne, if hee brought a testimony under
our hands, that he had performed his bargaine to us.
This condition we made providently, and by advice of
experienced men, for otherwise the Master of our Barke,
upon any profitable occasion, would have left this port
June 14 .
Ann. 1 596 .
Inraged
women.
Provident
advice.
47
A.D.
1596 .
Caesaria.
Antipatris.
Carmel.
A chon.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
before our returne from Jerusalem, and wee should hardly
have found another Barke here, in a place not much
frequented with ships. Besides that the restraint of the
money, not to be payed but upon a testimony brought
under our hands, was a good caution, that he should not
use us ill, nor any way betray us. The sixteenth cf
June upon Sunday by twilight of the morning, we set
sayle from Joppa, and coasting the shoare of Asia, had
the land so neere us every day, as wee might easily dis-
tinguish the situation of the Cities and Territories. And
first we passed by the Citie called Caesaria Philippi, seated
in a Plaine, and twentie five miles distant from Joppa,
which of old was a famous Citie, but now for the most
part ruined, and become an infamous nest of Turkes,
Moores and Arabians. Here Christ raised to life the
daughter of Jairus, and healed the woman, which for
twelve yeeres had a flux of bloud. And here Saint Peter
did baptize the Centurion Cornelius, and Saint Paul in
the presence of Foelix disputed with Tertullus. Here
Titus the sonne of Vespasian landing, when hee came
to destroy Jerusalem, cast great multitudes of Jewes to
wilde beasts to be devoured. In the right way to Tripoli,
Antipatris was not farre distant, which Herod did rebuild,
and thither the souldiers did leade Saint Paul, by the
command of the Tribune Lysias, but we could not see
this Village. Next, we did see the Pilgrims Castle, now
called Tortora. Then we sailed by the Promontory
(hanging farre over the Sea) of the Mountaine Carmelus,
made famous by the aboade of the Prophet Elias. Then
we passed within sight of the old Citie Ptolemais, after
called Achon and Acri, seated in a faire playne within
a Creeke of the sea of the same name, and compassing
the Citie. And such a faire plaine lyes all along the
Coast from Joppa to Tripoli. This Citie was famous by
the armies of Europe, passing to conquer these parts, and
at this day it hath a large circuit, compassed with walls,
and a commodious Haven, and is thirtie five miles distant
from Caesaria. From hence sailing twentie miles, we
48
FROM JERUSALEM TO CANDIA
passed by the Citie Tyrus, then called Sur, the ruines
whereof witnesse the old magnificence. The seate thereof
seemed most pleasant, being built upon a low Rocke, in
the forme of a Peninsule, which Rocke was part of a
high Promontory hanging over the sea. And it may
appeare how strongly it was fortified of old by Quintus
Curtius, relating the difficulties with which Alexander
the Great took and subdued the same. When we had
sailed some ten miles further, we did see the ruines of
Sarepta, where the Prophet Elias lodged with a widdow,
in the time of a great famine. After we had sayled some
twenty miles further, we did see and passed by the City
Sydon, now called Saetta, seated on the North side of a
Promontory, and lying towards the West and South, to
the very sea side. These most pleasant Territories are
inhabited by wicked people, but God sent us a faire
wind, by which we escaped from them, into whose Ports
if we had beene driven, they would have taken all just
and unjust occasions to extort money from us, if they
did us no worse harme. Mention is often made in the
Holy Scriptures of Sydon, Tire, and these Territories,
as well in the old as new Testament, the particulars
whereof I omit. Here first we did gladly see the hils
and high tops of Mount Lybanus, being a very pleasant
and fruitful mountaine, the wines whereof are carried as
farre as Haleppo. The Castle Barutti is some two miles
distant from the Promontory of Saetta, and it is seated
upon the North-side of a hil, hanging over the sea. Here
they say that Saint George delivered the Kings daughter,
by killing a Dragon: And to this place, as also to Tyre
and Sydon, there is great concourse of Merchants, who
have their chiefe trafficke at Damascus, and especially at
Haleppo. From hence we passed ten miles to Biblis ;
then after ten miles saile, we passed by Petrona, and againe
after ten miles saile by a Promontory, which the Italians
call Capo Peso.
Lastly we passed ten miles sailing by a most pleasant
plaine, and so upon Thursday the seventeenth of June
A.D.
1596.
Tyre.
[I. iii. 241.]
Sarepta.
Sydon.
Lybanus.
Barutti.
Biblis.
M. II
49
D
A.D.
I 59 6 -
Tripoli.
The scituation
of the City.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
landed at Tripoli of Syria, (so called for difference from
Tripoli in Africke), The Haven is compassed with a
wall, and lies upon the west-side of the City, wherein
were many little Barkes, and some Shippes of Marsiles
in France. The Haven is fortified with seven Towers,
whereof the fourth is called the Tower of Love, because
it was built by an Italian Merchant, who was found in
bed with a Turkish woman, which offence is capitall as
well to the Turke as Christian, if he had not thus
redeemed his life. Upon the Haven are built many
store-houses for Merchants goods, and shops wherein
they are set to sayle. The City of Tripoli is some halfe
mile distant from the Haven, to which the way is sandy,
having many gardens on both sides. In this way they
shew a pillar fastned upon a hill of sand, by which they
say the sand is inchanted, lest it should grow to over-
whelme the City. Likewise they shew other pillars,
under which they say great multitudes of Scorpions were
in like sort inchanted, which of old wasted all that
Territory ; and they thinke that if these pillars were
taken away, the City would be destroied by the sand and
Scorpions. The length of the City somewhat passeth the
bredth, and lieth from the South to the North, seated upon
the side of an hill, so cut by nature as it conveyes a
brooke into the streetes. Upon the West side of the
City, towards the South corner, is a Castle upon a high
hill, which the French men built of old to keepe the
Citizens in subjection, and therein the Great Turke to the
same end keepes a garrison of Souldiers, under his Agha
or Governour of the City. Upon the East side are two
bridges over the foresaid brooke, whence many pleasant
fountains spring, which running from the South to the
North, passe through the streetes of the City, and then
water the gardens. Beyond this brooke are fruitfull hils,
and beyond the hils Mount Lybanus lies, so high as it
hinders all further prospect, which mountaine is very
pleasant, abounding with fruitfull trees, and with grapes
yeelding a rich wine. Upon the North side without the
5 °
COMMENTS UPON TRIPOLI
gates, are many most pleasant gardens, in which they
keepe great store of silke-wormes : for the Turks sell
their raw silke to the Italians, and buy of them the
stuffes woven thereof. The building of Tripoli and of
these parts, is like to that of Cyprus and Jerusalem.
The streete that leades to the way of Haleppo, is broad,
the rest narrow, and the aire and waters are unhealthfull.
Mount Lybanus (as I formerly said) is incredibly fruit-
full, and the plaine of Tripoli reaching ten miles, is more
fruitfull then can easily be expressed, bearing great store
of pleasant fruites, whereof one among the rest is called
Amazza-Franchi, that is, kill Frankes (or French), because
the men of Europe died in great numbers by eating
immoderately thereof. The plaine of Tripoli did of old
yeeld two hundred thousand crownes yeerely to the Count
thereof, as Historians write. And howsoever the old
trafficke of Tripoli, is for the most part removed to
Damascus and Haleppo, yet the City of Tripoli still
yeelds foure hundred thousand crownes yeerely to the
Great Turke.
It may seeme incredible, but it is most certaine, that
here and throughout Syria, they have sheepe of such
bignes, as the very tailes of them, hanging in many
wreathes to the ground, doe weigh twenty five pounds,
and many times thirty three pounds.
A Christian who useth to entertaine the French, did
very well intreat us here : and when I did see a bed made
for me and my brother, with cleane sheetes, I could
scarcely containe my selfe from going to bed before supper,
because I had never lien in naked bed since I came
from Venice to this day, having alwaies slept by sea
and land in my doublet, with linnen breeches and
stockings, upon a mattresse, and betweene coverlets or
quilts, with my breeches under my head. But after
supper all this joy vanished by an event least
expected : For in this part of Asia great store of cotten
growes (as it were) upon stalkes like Cabbage, (as I
formerly said in my journey from Joppa to Jerusalem) ;
A.D.
1 59 6 -
Silke-wormes.
[I. iii. 242.]
Great sheepe
of Syria.
A good
Christian.
A.D.
1596 .
Letterscarried
on the neckes
op Doves.
Newes from
Constantinople .
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and these sheetes being made thereof, did so increase the
perpetuall heat of this Countrey, now most unsupportable
in the summer time, as I was forced to leape out of my
bed, and sleepe as I had formerly done.
My Host told me a strange thing, namely that in
Alexandria of iEgypt, seated upon one of the mouthes
of the River Nilus, there was a Dove-cote, & that also at
Cairo (or Babylon,) farre within the Land of iEgypt,
there was another Dove-cote ; and because it much
concernes the Merchants, to have speedy newes of any
commodity arriving, he assured mee that they used to
tie letters about the neckes of the Doves at Alexandria,
and so to let them loose, which Doves having formerly
bred in the Dove-cote at Cayro, did flie thither most
swiftly, and the Keeper of them there taking the Letters
they brought, used to deliver them to the Merchants.
This I beleeved not, till I came to Haleppo, and telling it
for a fable to the English Merchants there, they seriously
affirmed the same to be true : Moreover the Host of
Tripoli told me newes from Constantinople, namely, that
the Greekes had burnt great part of the City, (which he
thought to be false, and onely invented to oppresse them
in other parts) ; and that the Janizaries had raised a great
tumult against the Subasha of the City, who used great
severity towards them, by restraining them from drinking
wine, and from keeping harlots ; and that some one
hundred of these seditious Janizaries were drowned in the
Haven, and the rest were daily sought out to be punished.
Moreover that Halil Basha the Admirall of Turkey, was
parted from Constantinople with sixty Gallies, having
taken many Greeke and Armenian Christians by force,
to row in his Gallies ; besides that, for want of Marriners,
he had left there twenty Gallies, which were prepared to
keepe that narrow sea. Finally, that the Great Turke
was presently to goe with his Army into Hungary, but
was not yet departed from the City.
Now the French-men our consorts went aboard a ship
of Marsiles to returne into France. But my selfe and my
52
FROM TRIPOLI TO ALEPPO a.d.
i 5 9 6 -
brother being to goe by Land to Haleppo, agreed to give
our Muccaro nine piastri, for two Asses to ride upon, and
their meate ; and for three tributes (called cafarri) which
he was to pay for us by the way, (comming to some
twenty meidines). They call him Muccaro, who lets
out Mules, Asses, or Horses ; and they call him Malem,
who conducts the Merchants goods. Moreover we were Charges for
forced to give a suger-loafe to the value of a Zechine, to Aleppo.
the Governour of the City, and a Piastro to the Scribe
or Clerke of the City, for the priviledge to goe without
a Janizare to conduct us, (so they pretended, omitting no
occasions to extort from Christians). But we covenanted
not to pay the nine piastri to our Muccaro, till our
journey was ended, onely giving one piastro into his hands
for earnest, and pretending that we would pay the rest at
Haleppo, where we were to receive money ; lest they
thinking that we had store of crowns with us, should
practise any treason or oppression against us. This
Piastro we gave him in hand, to buy meat for his beasts,
and the other eight we paid after at Haleppo, and besides
gave him of free gift a zechine for his faithfull service to [I. iii. 2+3.]
us by the way. We were to take our journey with the
Caravan going from Tripoli to Haleppo. The Turkes A caravan.
call a Caravan the company of Merchants, passengers, and
drivers of loaded Camels, keeping together, for safety
against Theeves, and using to lodge in the open field.
For in Turkey they make journeies in great troopes,
neither did I ever see any ride alone, but onely a horse-
man of the Armie, and that very rarely.
Upon Saturday the two and twentie of June, we went
out of Tripoli at the North Gate, and passed over a
Bridge of the foresaid Brooke, and from eight of the
clocke till Noone, we passed along the Sea-shoare, and
over high Mountaines, then over an unfilled Plaine,
seeing not one Village, nor so much as the least house by
the way. Then at last comming to a little shade of Fig-
trees, we rested there the heate of the day, and fed upon
such victuals as we had, while our Muccaro and the rest
53
A.D.
1 59 6 -
A monastery
of Saint
George.
Huss.
Job's House.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
gave meate to their beasts. At three of the clock in the
after-noone we went forward in the like way, and late in
the evening we came to a Village, neere which we lodged
in the open field, in a pleasant plot of grasse, neere the
banke of a River, planted with some trees. Upon
Sunday wee rose early, and for two howers space passed
a Promontory of the Sea ; then turning towards the
Land, wee passed through wilde and untilled Hilles and
plaine fields, and at Noone we rested under the shaddow
of some Brambles, refreshing our selves with meate and
sleepe, and giving meate to our Asses. At three in the
afternoone wee went forward, and passed by the Castle
Huss, in which some say Job dwelt, and which they say
was possessed by the French, while they had the King-
dome of Jerusalem. Also we passed by a Monastery of
Saint George, then possessed by Christian Friers, and
seated in a pleasant Valley, yeelding trees of Figs and
Olives. And towards evening, we incamped (as I may
terme it) in the open field at the foot of a high Mountaine.
They say Job did of old possesse this Territorie, and
that not farre hence in the way leading to Damascus,
there is a Citie now called Hemps, and of old called Huss,
which the Christian Inhabitants to this day call the Citie
of Job, and the Valley not far distant the Valley of
Huss, and the Turkes have built a Mosche or Church in
this Citie, which they thinke to be built upon the very
ruines of the house wherein Job dwelt, and that his body
was carried from hence to Constantinople. Others
object, that according to the Scriptures, Job could not
dwell here, because they write, that hee dwelt among
the Idumeans, and was robbed by the Sabeans. I dare
not affirme that he dwelt here, but I dare boldly say,
that I know more then Socretes did, even two things,
whereas he knew but one : first, that the Arabians to this
day make excursions into these parts, robbing the
Caravans that goe from Haleppo to Tripoli, so as if Job
were alive, and had an hundred thousand head of cattell,
they were as like to rob him here, as in any other place.
54
FROM TRIPOLI TO ALEPPO
Secondly, I know that we passed a sad night in this place,
and never had more need of Job his patience then here.
For it happened that one of the women (which the
leaders of the Caravan use to have for their attendance)
lighting a fire to make ready their supper, by chance some
sparke or flame brake out of the stones wherewith it was
compassed, and set the drie hearbs of the field on fire,
which being neglected at the first, did spread it selfe for
a great compasse. Whereupon the Governour of the
Province dwelling upon the Mountaine, and beholding
the fields on fier, sent to us one Janizary, armed onely
with a cudgell, who fell upon the men of our Caravan,
being some hundred in number, beating them with his
cudgell, till they fell upon the fier with the upper long
garments they use to weare, and so extinguished it. In
the meane time my selfe and my brother went aside, lying
out of his sight, by the advantage of a high ground
betweene him and us, where wee were astonished to see
one man armed onely with a cudgell to beate a hundred
men (and the very Zantons or Priests) armed with swords
and many Callivers. The fire being put out, we thinking
all safe, joyned our selves to the company againe, but
soone espied our errour : for the Janizare drove us all
before him like so many Calves, to appeare before the
Governour, and satisfie him for this damage. And if at
any time we went slowly, hee wheeled his cudgell about
his head, and crying Wohowe Rooe, presently struck them
that were next him. My brother and my selfe treated
with him by the way, to give him a reward that he would
dismisse us : but when he gave this warning, we were
the first to run from him, with laughter to see our men
thus driven like beasts, and commending to our selves
the honesty of the man, who first gave warning before
he struck. Then presently assoone as wee did see the
Gentleman pacified, we returned againe to him, with our
Muccaro to interpret our words, and told him, that we
were the servants of a Christian Merchant, and had no
goods in the Caravan, nor any thing to doe with them,
A.D.
1596.
The fields set
on fire by
chance.
One man
beates a
hundred.
[I. iii. 244.]
55
A.D
! 5 9 6 .
The Janizare
appeased by a
gift-
Horsemen of
the Army.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and offering him a reward, so he would let us returne.
For we knew that the Turks would take any occasion to
oppresse us as Christians, and that the Governor would
have dealt worse with the Caravan, if he perceived that
Christians were with them. Thus we often fled from
him when he gave the said signe of anger, (for howsoever
wee offered him a gift, yet wee could not otherwise escape
his blowes), and often we returned to him being pacified
offering him a gift to dismisse us, which at last wee
obtained, giving him a zechine. When we were dis-
missed, wee were in no lesse feare of some violence, while
wee returned alone and unarmed, to the place where our
baggage lay : but going forward betweene hope and feare,
at last we came safe thither, and there hid our selves til
our consorts should returne, who after an howers space
returning, told us, that the chiefe of the Caravan, being
the cause of the fire making, had paid ten piastri for the
damage : and the Governour swore, that if the fire had
gone over the Mountaine into the plaine field of Corne,
hee would have hanged us all upon the highest trees, on
the top of the Mountaine. This Tragedy ended, wee
refreshed our selves with meate and sleepe.
Upon Monday early in the morning, we set forward,
and spent eight howers in ascending the Mountaine, which
was very high, but the way easie, with many turnings
about the Mountaine, which of it selfe without manuring
yeelded many wilde, but pleasant fruits, seeming to passe
in pleasantnesse the best manured Orchards. Upon the
top of the Mountaine we met some horsemen of the
Army, not without feare of some violence to be offered
us, till we understood that they were sent out to purge
the high waies of theeves. They were armed with
Launces, Shields, and short broad Swords, so as a man
would have said, they had been the Knights of Amades
de Gaule. Neither is it unprobable, that those fictions
came from the horsemen of Asia, since wee did see some
mile from Tripoli, a Bridge called the Bridge of
Rodomont, and a Fountaine neere Scandarona, called the
56
FROM TRIPOLI TO ALEPPO
Amazons Fountaine, and many like monuments in these
parts. When wee had passed the foresaid high Moun-
taine, wee came into a very large and fruitfull Plaine of
Corne, which was yet uncut-downe. Here we refreshed
our selves and our beasts with meate, resting neere a
Fountaine (for the Turkes require no better Inne lor
their beasts and themselves, then a Fountaine of cleere
water.) After dinner we went forward in this Plaine,
and did see some Villages, which in this vast Empire
are very rare, and neere one of these Villages wee did
sit downe at night, supping and resting in the open field.
Upon Tuesday earely in the morning, we tooke our
journy, and for sixe howers passed in the same Plaine,
having not so much as the shaddow of one tree, and came
to the City Aman (which in the Scripture the second of
the Kings, the seventeenth Chapter, is called Hamath)
being some three dayes journey from Damasco. This
Citie is of large circuit, and pleasantly seated upon two
Hilles, (for the third Hill of the Castle hath nothing but
ruines), having a River running by it, and abounding
with Orchards of Palmes and fruitfull trees, and neere
the same were sixe Villages in sight. Here we rested
part of this day, and the next night, the Master of our
Caravan having businesse in the City, neither imported
it where we lodged ; for they have no publike Innes, nor
beds in any house, nor Cookes, but every man buyes his
meate, and can dresse it. But to the end wee might
be ready to goe early with the Caravan in the morning,
most of us lodged in poore houses of the Suburbs. My
selfe and my brother being to sleepe in the yard upon
our owne quilts, and the yard declining from the house
to the bottome, where our beasts were tied, wee laid our
selves downe upon the top of the Hill, but in the morning
found our selves tumbled downe between the feet of the
Asses & Camels, when I could not remember the English
Innes without sighing. This Citie hath great traffique,
and aboundeth with necessaries to sustaine life, and here
our Muccaro bought for us, sower Curds (vulgarly caled
57
A.D.
1596.
The Turkes
Innes.
Hamath.
No publike
Innes.
[I. iii. 245.]
A.D.
U9 6 -
Charges for
food.
Inquiries by
the
Janizaries.
Marrha.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Mish Mash) for two meidines, a cheese for sixe, three
hennes for three meidines, twenty eggs for foure meidines,
Cucumers for three, milke for five, Aqua vitae (which they
call Harach, and drinke as largely as Wine) for ten
meidines, foure pounds of wine for one zechine, Bisket
(for the Turkes have no other bread but cakes baked on
the harth) for thirty meidines, which things we provided
for our Supper, and to carry with us by the way, yet might
we have bought, and did buy most things by the way,
excepting Wine and Bread, which are hardly found, and
must be carried by those that will have them. The guide
of our Caravan was detained here by his businesse most
part of the next day, being Wednesday, and in the meane
time it fortunately happened, that a Turkish Basha,
returning with his traine from his Governement, and
being to goe our way, rested here, so as his company
freed us the rest of our journey from feare of theeves.
Upon Wednesday in the afternoone we set forward, in
the company of this Basha, and journied all night in this
Plaine, wherein there was not the shadow of one tree,
and at eight of the clock the next morning, we did sit
downe in the open field, resting under the ruines of old
walles. Here the Janizaries of the Basha inquired
curiously after the condition of me and my brother, so
as our Muccaro advised us to give them halfe a piastro,
which they receiving, promised to defend us from all
injury, but in the meane time they did so swallow our
wine, as when it was spent, we were forced to drinke
water, to which we were not used. Upon Thursday at
three of the clock in the afternoone, we set forward, and
about midnight we came to the Citie Marrha, where our
Muccaro and divers others payed each of them ten
meidines for cafar or tribute, and at the Citie Gate a
man was hanged in chaines (also the next day we did see
another impalled, that is sitting and rotting upon a stake
fastned in the ground, and thrust into his fundament and
bowels.) Upon Friday before day wee set forward, and
passing a stony barren way, but full of Walnut trees,
53
FROM TRIPOLI TO ALEPPO
upon which many birds did sit and sing, wee came in
foure houers space to an Hospitall, which they call Caon, An Hospital l
and it was stately built of stone, in a round forme, with ca ^ ed Caon -
arches round about the Court-yard, under which arches
each severall company chose their place to eate and rest,
both which they must doe upon the ground, except they
bring Tables and beds with them. Neither were any
victuals there to be sold or dressed, but every man bought
his victuals in the Village adjoyning, and dressed it after
his manner. The same Friday at foure in the afternoone,
wee went forward, and riding all night, did upon Saturday
early in the morning sleepe an hower in the open field,
while meate was given to our beasts.
Then going forward, we came by Noone, the same
day being the nine and twentie of June, (after the Popes June 2 9-
new stile, which I have followed hitherto, being in com-
pany of Italians and Friers), to the famous Citie of
Haleppo, where the English Merchants living in three Haleppo.
houses, as it were in Colledges, entertained my brother
and mee very curteously. And George Dorington
the Consul of the English there, led us to the house,
wherein he lived with other Merchants, and there
most courteously entertained us, with plentiful! diet, George
good lodging, and most friendly conversation, refusing Dorington s
to take any money for this our entertainement. And curtes 3-
howsoever wee brought him onely a bill of exchange
for one hundred Crownes, yet when we complained to
him, that we now perceived the same would not serve
our turnes, hee freely lent us as much more upon our
owne credit. Yea, when after my brothers death my selfe
fell dangerously sicke, and was forced to goe from those
parts before I could recover my health, so as all men
doubted of my returne into England, yet he lent me a
farre greater summe upon my bare word, which howsoever
I duly repayed after my comming into England, yet I
confesse, that I cannot sufficiently acknowledge his love
to mee, and his noble consideration of poore and afflicted
strangers.
59
A.D.
i59 6 -
[I. iii. 246.]
The Traffic ke
in Haleppo.
The
description of
Haleppo.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The Citie Haleppo is said to have the name of Halep,
which signifies milke, because the Province is most
fruitfull, or of the word Aleph, as the chiefe Citie of
Syria, and to have been called of old Aram Sobab
(mentioned the second of Samuel, the eight Chapter and
third verse), or at least to be built not farre from the
ruines thereof. The Trafficke in this place is exceeding
great, so as the goods of all Asia and the Easterne Hands
are brought hither, or to Cayro in Egypt. And before
the Portugals found the way into East India, these com-
modities were all brought from these two Cities. And
the Venetians and some free Cities of Italy solly enjoyed
all this trafficke of old. But after that time, the Portugals
trading in East India, served all Europe with these com-
modities, selling them, yea and many adulterate Druggs,
at what price they listed, cutting off most part of this
trafficke from the Italians. At last the French King
making league with the great Turke, the Merchants of
Marsiles were made partners of this trafficke, and in our
age the English, under the Raigne of Queene Elizabeth,
obtained like priviledge, though great opposition was
made against them by the Venetians & French Merchants.
And the Turkey company in London was at this time
the richest of all other, silently enjoying the safety and
profit of this trafficke, (understand that when I wrote this,
the trafficke into the East Indies was nothing at all or
very little knowne to the English or Flemmings).
This City lies within Land, the Port whereof (called
Alexandretta by the Christians, and Scanderona by the
Turkes) I shall hereafter describe. The building of this
City (as of all houses in Syria) is like to that of Jerusalem,
but one roofe high, with a plaine top plaistered to walke
upon, and with Arches before the houses, under which
they walke dry, and keepe shops of wares. The City
is nothing lesse then well fortified, but most pleasantly
seated, having many sweet gardens. The aire was so
hot, as me thought I supped hot broth, when I drew it
in ; but it is very subtile, so as the Christians comming
60
COMMENTS UPON ALEPPO
hither from Scanderona, (a most unhealthfull place, having
the aire choaked with Fens), continually fall sicke, and
often die. And this is the cause, that the English Factors
imployed here, seldome returne into England, the
twentieth man scarcely living till his prentiship being
out, he may trade here for himselfe. The Christians
here, and the Turkes at the Christians cost, drinke
excellent wines, whereof the white wines grow in that
territory, but the red wines are brought from Mount
Libanus. Moreover all things for diet are sold at cheape
rates, and indeed the Turkes want not good meat, but
only good Cookes to dresse it. The English Merchants
can beare me witnes, that these parts yeeld sheepe, whereof
the taile of one wreathed to the ground, doth weigh
some thirty or more pounds, in fat and wooll. In one
of the City gates, they shew the Sepulcher of Saint
George, where the Turkes maintaine Lampes continually
burning : for among all the Christian Saints, they onely
reverence Saint George. In a garden of the suburbes
I did see a Serpent of wonderfull bignes, and they report,
that the male Serpent and young ones, being killed by
certaine boyes, this shee Serpent observing the water
where the boyes used to drinke, did poyson the same,
so as many of the boyes died thereof ; and that the
Citizens thereupon came out to kill her, but seeing her
lie with her face upward, as complaining to the Fleavens
that her revenge was just, that they touched with a
superstitious conceit, let her alone : finally that this
Serpent had lived here many ages, and was of incredible
yeeres. Moreover they shew a well neere to the City,
in which they report, that a chest of treasure was of oid
cast, so as it might be seene by passengers, and that some
attempting to take it out, were assaulted and affrighted
with Divels.
In this City my selfe and my brother Henry lay sicke
some few daies, but by the helpe of a Jew Physician, we
soone recovered our health, and for feare of wanting
money, and especially out of our desire to returne home,
A.D.
U9 6 -
Diet cheape.
A , Serpent oj
wonderfull
bignes.
A Jew
Physician.
A.D.
1 596 -
The Cassenda.
[I. iii. 247.]
Master Jasper
Tyant.
Camell hire.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
wee made too great haste to beginne our journey for
Constantinople. If we would have expected eight daies,
the Cassenda, (so they call a troope of Horsemen, guard-
ing the great Turkes treasure), was in that time to goe
for Constantinople, in whose company wee might safely
and swiftly have performed this journey, namely in sixe-
teene daies, whereas those who followed the slow pace of
Cammels, scarcely arrive there in thirty daies. But this
Province being extreamely hot in this time of summer,
and wee being scanted of money for our long journey,
all mention of longer staying was most unpleasing to
us. Moreover Master George Dorington, (never to be
named by me without mention of love and respect), did
at this time send a Caravan, (that is, Camels loaded with
goods) of his own to Constantinople, and being to make
a present to a Cady, returning from his governement to
Constantinople, that he would take his Caravan into his
protection, and to passe in his company, and lovingly
making offer to us, to recommend us in like sort with
his goods to the same Cady, we were easily perswaded
to take this journey presently, in the company of his
servants, and of a curteous English Merchant, called
Master Jasper Tyant, being then to goe for Constanti-
nople. This our conclusion proved greatly to the losse
of Sir John Spencer, Merchant of London, whose goods
these were which Master Dorington sent with us. For
my brother dying by the way, and the great Turke being
heire to all Christians and strangers, dying in his Empire,
the Turkes either thought, or fradulently pretended that
these goods belonged to my brother, and so tooke them
into the great Turkes store-houses, and kept them there,
till they had unjustly extorted good summes of money
from Master Dorington, besides the great losse which
was sustained by the servants and Camels hired in vaine.
Being now to enter this journey, we hired for seventy
one piastri, a Camell to carry our victuals, an ambling
Mule for my brother, and a horse for my selfe, and so
much we presently gave into the hands of our Muccaro,
62
COMMENTS UPON ALEPPO ad
1 59 6 -
with covenant that he should pay for the meat of the
beasts. Moreover we presently laid out one hundred and
twenty piastri for divers necessaries, namely, two long Necessaries
chaires, like cradles covered with red cloth, to hang on fior the
the two sides of our Camell, (which chaires the Turkes J ourne y-
use to ride in, and to sleepe upon Camels backes, but
we bought them to carry victuals), for bisket, and a tent
wherein we might sleepe, and for like provisions. But
behold, when all this mony was laid out, and the very
evening before the day in which we were to begin our
journey, my brother Henry fell sicke of a flux. Being
amased with this sudden chance, we stood doubtfull for
a time what to do, til the consideration of the great
summes of money we had laied out, and of the difficulty
to get more, made us resolve to take this fatall journey,
yet with this purpose, when we came to Scanderona, some
foure daies journy distant, to goe no further, except in
that time he recovered his health, propounding this
comfort to our miserable estate, that there we might have
commodity of convenient lodging with an Englishman,
there abiding factor for our Merchants.
Upon Thursday the last of June, (that I may now The last of
follow the old stile, taken here from the English, and lune -
generally used in Turkey, among the very Christians,
howsoever hitherto I have followed the new stile, taking
it from the Venetian shippe in which I came, and from
the Friers at my abode in Jerusalem) ; I say the last of
June we went out of Haleppo, passing over stony hils,
and by the Village Havaden, where the Jewes say the
Prophet Jeremy was buried. Then riding forward all
that night, at last we sate downe at eight of the clocke
in the morning, and pitched our Tents neere a Village,
where I did see a pillar erected to Pompey, and here we
rested and refreshed our selves the heat of the day. This
kind of journying was strange to us, and contrary to our
health : for we beganne our journey at foure in the Strange
afternoone, to shun the heat of the day past, and rode journying.
all night, so as we not used to this watching, were so sleepy
63
A.D.
1 59 6 -
A remedy to
obtaine sleepe.
[I. iii. 248.]
Antioch.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
towards the Sunne rise, as we could not abstaine from
nodding, and were many times like to fall from our horses.
To which mischiefe we could find no other remedy, then
to ride swiftly to the head of the Caravan, and there
dismounting, to lie downe and slumber, with our horses
bridle tied to our legges, one of us by course walking
by us, to keepe us from injuries, and to awaken us when
the last Camel passed by, lest we should there be left
a pray to theeves. And we having some two hundred
Camels in our Caravan, did in this sort passe the sleepy
houres in the morning, till seven or eight of the clocke,
at which time we used to pitch our tents, and rest. More-
over this greatly afflicted us, that spending the morning
till ten or eleven of the clocke in pitching our Tent,
preparing meat, and eating, we had no time to rest, but
the extreme heat of the noone day, which so pierced
our tents, that we could no more sleepe, then if in England
upon a Summers day we had lien neere a hot sea-cole
fire. And howsoever wee lessened this heate, by flinging
our gownes over our Tent, betweene the sunne and us,
yet for my part I was so afflicted with want of sleepe,
and with this immoderate heate, as I feared to fall into
a Lunacy, what then should a man think would become
of my sickly brother in this case?
Upon Friday the first of July, towards evening, wee
tooke up our Tents, supping while our Muccaro loaded
our beasts, then we rode over Mountaines all night, and
the next morning againe pitched our Tents neere a poore
Village. And our Muccaro bought us some fresh victuals
in the Village, according to the manner of Turky, where
the very Cities yeeld no Innes. Upon Saturday towards
evening, wee set forward, and rode that night over a
large Plaine, and next day after Sunne-rise wee came
to Antioch, a citie of Asia, famous for the Patriarchate,
and by Histories sacred and prophane. Upon the east-
side, and upon the top of a high Mountaine, lye great
ruines of the old walles and houses, whence the seat of
the citie declineth to the Plaine on the West side. In
64
FROM ALEPPO TO SCANDEROON
which Plaine our Caravan rested the heat of this day,
neere the pleasant and large Fountaine of water, wherin
the Scriptures record so many to have been baptized
together, as first in this place the faithfull had the name
of Christians. This Fountaine hath faire building, and
seemes of old to have been very stately, and here wee
pitched our Tents in the middest of the Gardens of this
Plaine within the walles. For howsoever the ruines of
the walles shew, that of old the circuit of the citie was
very large, yet scarce the hundreth part thereof was now
filled with houses. Upon the West side without the
walles, the citie is all compassed with a River, and a great
Fen, and upon the East-side with Mountaines, which
situation makes it naturally strong. Here first wretched
I perceived the imminent danger of my most deare
brothers death, which I never suspected til this day, much
lesse had any just cause to feare it. A Turke in this
Caravan troubled with the same disease of a Flux, went
to the ground more then twentie times each nights
journey, and yet lived ; whereas my brother only three
or foure times descended from his Mule to that purpose,
which filled us with good hope. But here first I learned
by miserable experience, that nothing is worse for one
troubled with the Flux, then to stop or much restraine
the course therof. For my brother stopping this naturall
purge, by taking Red wine and Marmelat, experienced
men did attribute (all too late) his death to no other
thing. I could not hire a horse-litter by any endevour
of our Muccaro, nor for any price, though I offered an
incredible summe for that, or like commoditie to carrie
him, and we thought it very dangerous to stay here among
the Turkes, after our Caravan departed, especially since
Scanderona was but five and twenty miles distant, where
wee should have the commoditie to lodge with an English-
man, and so to get all necessaries for his recoverie.
Therefore upon Sunday in the evening, wee put all our
provisions in one of the foresaid covered chaires or cradles,
caried by the Camell, and made my brother a bed in the
M. II 65 E
A.D.
1596.
My brother
s'tcke of the
Flux.
A Camell-
bed.
A.D.
I59 6 *
Byland.
[I. iii. 249.]
A faithless
Muccaro.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
other cradle, where (as we thought) he might com-
modiously rest. And I promised the Muccaro halfe a
piastro for every time my brother should descend from
the Camell to ease himselfe, for wee were to ride before
with the horsemen, and hee was now to come behind
with the Camels. So we set forward, and my selfe twice
in the night, and once towards morning, left the horsemen,
and rode back to my brother, to know how he fared, and
when hee gave mee no answere, I returned to the horse-
men, thinking that he slept. Then towards morning I
was so afflicted with my wonted desire of sleepe, as I
thought an howers rest worth a Kings ransome. Therefore
my selfe and Master Jasper Tyant our loving consort,
rode a good pace to the Village Byland, where we were
to pitch our Tents, that we might make all things ready
to receive him.
But within short space our Muccaro running to our
Tent, and telling me, that hee had left my brother ready
to give up his last breth in the first house of the Village,
seemed to say to me, Goe quickly and hang thy selfe.
With all possible speede I ran to this house, imbraced
my dying brother, and confounded with sorrow, under-
stood from his mouth, how farre the events of our nights
journey had been contrary to our hope. For whereas
my selfe advised him to leave his Mule, and lie in the
chaire upon the Camels backe, he told me that he was
shaken in pieces with the hard pace of the Camell. And
whereas I had offered the Muccaro halfe a piastro, for
each time hee should light to ease himselfe, he told mee
that he had often asked this favour of the Muccaro, but
could never obtaine it, he excusing himselfe by feare to
be left behind the Caravan, for a prey to theeves. And
whereas the Camels hinder parts being higher then the
fore parts, I had laied my brothers head towards the hinder
parts, and raised it as high as I could with pillowes and
clothes, for his better ease, it happened (which I being
ignorant of the way could not foresee) that we all the
night ascending mountaines, his feet were farre higher
66
FROM ALEPPO TO SCANDEROON
then his head ; whereupon he told me, that most part
of the night he had lien in a trance, which was the cause
that he could not answer me, at such times as I came to
inquire of his health. Thus mischiefe lighted upon
mischiefe, to make my wretched state most miserable :
Why should I use many words in a case, from the remem-
brance whereof my mind abhorreth. Therefore I will
say in a word ; My most deere brother Henry upon
Munday the fourth of July, (after the old stile), the yeere
of our Lord 1596, and of his age the seven and twentieth,
died in my armes, after many loving speeches, and the
expressing of great comfort in his Divine meditations.
The Turkes presently snatched all things that were
his, as belonging to the Great Turke; yea, my selfe cast
his shirts, with many other things of good value, and
whatsoever I could see that was his, out of the Tent into
the Turkes hands, and as a man halfe out of my wits,
could indure to see nothing that might renew the bitter
remembrance of him. The Turkish Officers in the Great
Turkes name seazed upon all the goods of Sir John
Spencer, which Master Dorington sent with us, as if
they had belonged to my brother, neither could they be
released, without great bribes, after the contrary was
proved. Presently I sent for the English Factor lying
at Scanderona, who scarcely obtained with the paying of
five zechines, to have my brothers body buried in the
open fields: besides, the Janizares, Turkes, and Moores,
came in severall swarmes to me in this miserable case,
threatning to hinder his buriall, or to dig him up after
hee was buried, except I would satisfie their insatiable
extortions. And had not the foresaid English Factor
taken upon him to satisfie these people, and taken up my
purse full of zechines, which I cast among them in a rage,
surely for my part I had willingly given my selfe and
all that I had with me, to them for a prey. One thing
above measure afflicted me, (which I thinke Job himselfe
could not have suffered), namely, that while my selfe
and my brother were in our last imbraces, and mournefull
67
A.D.
I59 6 -
July 4 .
Anno 1596 .
Covetousnesse
of the Turkes .
A.D.
1 59 6 -
Scanderona.
Jagales.
[I. iii. 250.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
speeches, the rascall multitude of Turkes and Moores,
ceased not to girne & laugh at our sighes and teares ;
neither know I why my heart-strings brake not in these
desperate afflictions : but I am sure from that day to
this I never enjoied my former health, and that this houre
was the first of my old age.
Towards the evening the same fourth day of July, we
descended with the said English Factor, (taking care to
have our baggage carried) from the mountaines towards
Scanderona, little distant from this place, in the furthest
Northerne part of the vally upon the seashore. From
hence Jasper Tyant our loving consort in this misery,
returned back to Haleppo ; but my selfe not knowing
what to resolve, nor having power to thinke of disposing
my selfe, remained at Scanderona in the English Factors
house. The next night while I lay waking, I heard
multitudes of Woolves, (as I thought) howling upon
the mountaines of Byland, and in the morning I under-
stood by the English Merchant, that a kind of beast
little bigger then a Foxe, and ingendered betweene Foxes
and Wolves, vulgarly called Jagale, used to range upon
these mountaines in troopes, and many times to scratch
the bodies of the dead out of their graves ; whereupon
I hired an Asse to carry me, and a Janizare to accompany
me, and went to see the place of my brothers buriall,
from which part I thought to heare those howlings : And
there beyond my expectation, I found that they had
scratched up the earth almost to his body, and the Turkes
made no doubt, but that these beasts hiding themselves
from day light, would according to their manner, returne
the next night to devoure his body. Therefore I hired
many poore people to bring stones, whereof I made such
a pile round about his body, as I preserved that prey
from their cursed jaws, which done, I returned to
Scanderona (so called by the Turkes), which the Christians
call Alexandretta.
This is a poore Village, built all of straw and durt,
excepting the houses of some Christian Factors, built of
68
COMMENTS UPON SCANDEROON
timber and clay in some convenient sort, and it lies along
the sea-shoare. For the famous Citie of Haleppo having
no other Haven, the Merchants doe here unloade their
goods, but themselves make haste to Haleppo, staying
as little here as possibly they can, and committing the
care of carrying their goods thither upon Camels to the
Factors of their Nation, continually abiding here. The
pestilent aire of this place is the cause that they dare not
make any stay here : for this Village seated in Cilicia
(now called Caramania), is compassed on three sides with
a Fenny Plaine, and the fourth side lies upon the Sea.
In the way to Haleppo (as I remember) towards the East,
there is in this Plaine a Fountaine of cleare water, some
mile distant from this Village ; and howsoever all other
waters falling out of the Fen are most unwholsome, yet
the goodnes of this Fountaine is so much prized, as the
Merchants use to carrie their meate thither, and eate there
under a pleasant shade. Not farre from this Fountaine,
there stands an old Castle at the foote of the mountaines,
which they call the Castle of Penthesilea, Queene of the
Amazons. On the same side, beyond the Fen, is a most
high mountaine, which keepes the sight of the Sunne
from Scandarona, and being full of bogges, infects the
Fenny Plaine with ill vapours, and beyond this mountaine,
my dearest brother lies buried. On the other side towards
the North (as I remember) in the way leading to
Constantinople, the like Fenny Plaine lies, and the
mountaines, though more remote, doe barre the sight
of the Sunne, and the boggy earth yeelding ill vapours,
makes Scanderona infamous for the death of Christians.
On the same side, Asia the lesse stretcheth it selfe
into the sea towards the West, and in the next shoare
thereof, is a pleasant Village, now called Bias, which of
old was called Tarsus, where Saint Paul was borne, being
sixe miles from Scanderona, and seated in the same
Province of Cilicia, and abounding with fruits, silke-
wormes, and al things necessarie to sustaine life.
Scanderona on the South side towards Palestina is also
A.D.
I59 6 .
Scanderoon
very
unwholsome.
The Castle of
Penthesilea.
Tarsus.
69
Scanderona .
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1 59 6 -
Cause of the
malignitie of
the aire.
A great sick-
nesse caused
by grief of my
mind.
compassed with the like fenny Plaine, but farre more
large then on the other sides. Finally, on the West side,
towards the Sea and Italy, is a safe Haven in the furthest
part of the Mediteranean Sea, towards the East. And
into this Sea the Prophet Jonas was cast, and preserved
miraculously by a Whale, was in this part cast upon the
shoare, they say, that the Owes of the Sea doe here much
increase the malignitie of the aire, yet the Sea men use
to sleep in their ships, and seldome to come on land, till
the Sunne be risen above the mountains hiding it, and
hath drawne up the ill vapours. The foresaid mountaines
of Cilicia are held for part of Mount Taurus, which in
Scythia is called Caucasus, and in these parts Amanus.
I have formerly said, that these parts neere the Equi-
noctiall Line have seldome any raine, but the earth is
commonly moistned with the dew falling after Sunne-set.
But while I staied here, a great tempest fell of thunder,
haile, and raine upon the seventh of August, and the
raine did not fall by drops, but by pailefuls, as wee reade
it falles, but much more violently, towards West India,
and neere the Equinoctiall Line, and as no violent thing
is perpetuall, so this tempest soone passed.
Shortly after I came to this unhappy Village Scanderona,
the griefe of my mind cast me into a great sicknesse, so
as I, who in perfect health had passed so many Kingdomes
of Europe, at this time in the very flower of my age,
first began to wax old. This sicknesse brought the first
weakenesse to my body, and the second, proceeding of
another griefe after my returne into England, tooke from
mee all thought of youthfull pleasures, and demon-
stratively taught me, that the Poet most truly said, Cura
facit canos, that is, Care maketh gray-headed.
While I languished here in a lasting sicknes, it hapned
that upon occasion, I looked upon the two testimonies,
given to my brother and my self at Jerusalem, of our
having been there, and I was not a little astonished, to
see that they being both at the same time cut out of the
same skin of parchment, and written with the same hand
70
COMMENTS UPON SCANDEROON
and inck, yet that of my brother was in all parts eaten
with wormes, when mine was altogether untouched. And
after I did more wonder, that to this day the same
Testimonie given to my brother is no more eaten with
wormes, then at that time it was, and mine still remaines
unperished.
My foresaid sicknesse was so vehement and so long,
that all men doubted I would never recover, so as my
friends in England, after they had heard of my brothers
death, were advertised within few weekes that my selfe
also was dead. But for my part, though my nightly
dreames, that I was walking in the caves and sepulchers
of Italy, might have somewhat discouraged me, and
though I had no other Phisitian, then the Barber-Surgean
of a ship, yet could I never doubt of recovering my health,
but my minde still presaged that I should returne home.
Yet when divers times I began to recover, and presently
by the heate of the clime, and ill aire of the place, had
been cast downe againe, I resolved to follow their counsell,
who perswaded me to trie if the aire of the sea would
strengthen me. Therefore my deare friend Master
George Dorington having sent me one hundred zechines
for my expences, the great summes of money which I
had being all spent, by the accidents of my brothers death,
and my sicknesse (the particulars of which expence I omit,
because in this griefe and weakenesse I had no minde to
note them, onely for a taste remembring, that I paid a
piastro each day to a poore man, who continually cooled
my heate with a fan.)
Master Dorington, I say, having sent me money, and
I having provided all necessaries for my journey, at last
upon Thursday, the tenth of October (after the new stile)
and in the yeere 1596, I was carried aboard a French
Ship of Marsiles, partly by the helpe of Porters, partly
in a boate, being so weake as I could not stand. This
ship was called John Baptist, and the Christian name of
the Master was Simon, with whom I had covenanted,
that I paying him thirtie piastri (or duckets) for my selfe
71
A.D.
U96.
[I. iii. 251.]
My death
advertised in
England.
Master
George
Dorington 1 $
kindnesse.
Octo. 19.
An. 1 596.
A.D.
I59 6 -
French
marriners
murmur.
The Island of
Candia.
Master Sandy
sent to be
English
Consul at
Haleppo.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and my servant, he should set us on land in some good
Haven of the Hand Candia, and if it were possible, in
the chiefe Citie thereof, called Candia, and lying on the
North side of the Hand, whence I was now resolved to
take my journey to Constantinople, leaving all thought
of going by land. Upon Friday the eleventh of October,
we sayled prosperously : but after, the windes grew so
contrary, as we were driven to the South of Candia.
Therfore the French Marriners murmuring against us, as
hereticks causing their ill passage, and there being no
hope left with those windes to set us on land at Candia
the chiefe Citie, the Master of our ship sent us in his boat
with some few Marriners which hee least esteemed, that
we might sayle to land, being fiftie miles distant.
Thus upon Thursday the three and twentieth of
October, having sayled eight howers in great danger,
towards the evening we landed under a Promontory of
Candia, where there was neither citie, village, house, nor
cottage, so as plenty of raine falling that night, yet we
were forced to lie in an open boat, where my companion
(or servant) not knowing our danger slept soundly, but
my selfe durst never close mine eyes, fearing lest these
Marriners (being Marsilians, who at that time little loved
the English), should offer us violence to gaine our goods.
This consort (or servant of mine was an English man,
and by profession a Cooke, and was come into these
parts to serve Master Sandy, who being sent from London
to be the English Consull at Haleppo, as he passed from
Constantinople thither, died in Asia Minor, of the same
disease whereof my brother died, and in the same moneth.
This servant being (after his Masters death) to returne
into England, I tooke to attend mee, that I might by his
company avoide solitude, and mittigate some part of
my sorrow. He was no sooner entered into the French
ship, but he presently fell sicke, and not able to serve
himselfe, could not give me the expected comforts, much
lesse doe me any service, but greatly increased my charge,
spending all upon my purse, & much troubled me, having
72
COMMENTS UPON CRETE
not himselfe the least skil in any forraine language, so
as he recovering not till we came to Venice (where being
among Christians, I had small use of his helpe), hee was
rather a burthen then a comfort to me. When I was
to enter the French ship, I laid in provisions of Hennes,
Egges, Damaske Prunes, and other things : but my
languishing stomack not desiring nor being able to digest
any other then salt meate, these provisions fell to the
share of my sicke servant, and my self being nothing
but skin and bone, as one that languished in a Con-
sumption, my bloud and humours renued with these salt
meates, could not but weaken my future health, so as I
having been alwaies very leane, after (by decay of naturall
heate) became very fat, and having lost the retentive
faculty of my stomack, so as I continually cast all that
lay upon it, so soone as in the morning I came into the
aire, I had no remedie against this weakenesse, but the
taking of Tobacco.
The French Marriners, who brought us to the shoare
of Candia, parted from us on Friday the twenty five of
July (after the new stile) early in the morning, and when
I had well rewarded them for their paines ; then first they
shewed me above the wilde Rockes, called Calisminiones,
a Monastery of the Greeks, some three miles distant,
and called Santa Maria Ogidietra. We being left alone,
and staying there fasting till noone, at last espied, and
called to us two men passing by upon the Mountaines,
but they thinking us to bee Pirats, fled away as fast as
they could. Presently behold, my man comming out of
the Wood, and bringing with him an Asse, which hee
had found there, who perswaded me to lay my baggage
on that beast, and so to walke softly towards the
Monastery. I willingly tried my strength, and leaning
upon our two swords for want of a staffe, and yet often
falling, went forward like a snaile, till despairing of going
further, I fell upon the ground. After an howers space,
a Shepheard passing by, and I shewing him gold, and
naming Monastery, which word he understood, he swiftly
73
A.D.
I59 6 -
[I. iii. 252.]
The Hand of
Candia.
A Greeke
monastery.
A.D.
1596 .
Danger in the
mountaines.
Curteous
monkes.
The Italian
office of
Health.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
ran to the Monastery, and telling the Monkes (called by
the Greekes Caloiri) our state and condition, they
presently sent a servant to us, who in the Italian tongue
telling us the great danger wherein we should be, if we
staied upon those Mountaines till night, advised us to
make haste to the Monastery. Thus driven with feare,
and incouraged by his company, I tried againe to goe
forward, and with great trouble passed one mile over the
Mountaines. For leaning, as I said on two swords, and
upon the passage of any steepe Mountaine, by reason
of the lightnesse of my head, creeping upon hands and
feete, with great difficulty I went so farre. And now
being not able to goe any further, no not to save my life,
behold a boy, who came to water his Asse at a Fountaine
adjoyning, to whom the servant of the Monkes gave a
piastro, and so whether he would or no tooke his Asse,
and set me upon it, and so at last wee passed the other
two miles (longer then three English miles) and came
to the Monastery. The Caloiri or Monkes received us
curteously, and gave us such victuals as they had, namely,
Pomegranates, Olives, Bread, and sharpe Wine, which
were no good meates for sicke men, having fasted almost
two dayes. Also they conferred lovingly with us, but
still desiring us to keepe aloofe from them. At bed time
they gave us a straw mat, to lay upon a plastred floare
for our bed ; but we were better provided of Matterasses
and quilts of our owne, and though lying upon the
ground, yet slept soundly, because we were in safety.
The Italians in regard of their clime, are very curious
to receive strangers in a time of plague, and appoint chiefe
men to the office of providing for the publike health,
calling the place where they meete, the Office of Health.
Also without their Cities (especially in the State of Venice)
they have publike houses, called Lazaretti, and for the
most part pleasantly seated, whether passengers and
Merchants with their goods, must at their first arrivall
retire, till the Providers for Health have curiously
inquired, if they come from any suspected place, or have
74
COMMENTS UPON CRETE
any infectious sicknesse. And here they have all things
necessary in abundance, but may not converse or talke
with any man, till they obtaine the grant of free conver-
sation (called la prattica), or if any man speake with them,
he must be inclosed in the same house, and because they
stay fortie dayes there, for the triall of their health, this
triall is called far’ la Quarantana. Moreover, they that
goe by land in Italy, must bring a Testimonie of Health
called Boletino, before they can passe or converse. The
Venetians are more curious in this, then any other using
this triall when there is no Plague, I know not for what
reason, except it bee that the Citie of Constantinople is
seldome or never free of the Plague, whence many of
their ships come, or for that some mysterie, for the good
of traffick, or of the Common-wealth, lyes hidden under
the pretence of this custome. For no man dares enter
the Citie, and converse there, till he have gotten license
of these Provisors, neither dare any Merchant dispose of
his goods, till they are brought to this house, and there
searched by the Officers, if they see cause. This Preface
I make, because the Hand of Candia is subject to the
Venetians, and the Prior of this Monastery would in no
sort give us free conversation, till by Letters wee had
signified our state to the Provisors of health, residing at
the chiefe City Candia, and til they should send some
answere backe unto us. In the meane time they shut
us up in a garden house, where we had plesant walkes,
and store of Oranges and like fruites, and the Country
people bringing us Partridges and many good things to
eate, and my man having skill to dresse them, and the
Monkes furnishing us with such necessaries as wee could
not otherwise buy, we wanted here no convenience, to
make the time of our abode seeme shorter, but onely
good beds. Thus I was forced to write this following
Letter in the Italian tongue, and to send a messenger
with it to Candia the Chiefe City.
A.D.
1596 .
The
Testimonie of
Health.
[I. iii. 253.]
The monkes
shut us up in a
garden house.
75
[AH’ Illustrmo.
A.D.
1596 .
Letter to the
Signor
Nicholas
Donati.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
AH’ Illustrmo. & Excellmo. Sigr. il Sigr. Nicolao
Donati, Proveditore & Inquisitore Generale
nel regno di Candia.
mio osservmo. :
S A Sigria. Illustrma. se degna intendere, ch’ io Fynes
Morysoni Inghlese, con un’ mio huomo, ci siamo
partiti a li tre di questo mese, d’ Alessandretta, per venir’
a la volta di Candia : Et che in quel’ paese tutti i
contorni sono sani, come porta la mia Patente netta,
sigillata col’ solito sigillo di San’ Marco. II Patron’
della Nave Francese, in chi di la c’ imbarcammo, non
mantenendoci la suoa parola di metterci in terra in qualche
buona villa di questa Isola, ci mando con la suoa fregata
a Calisminiones, doveci lascio’ soletti. Di la con gran’
disagio (domandando la strada da i villani) arrivammo
a i vinti cinque del presente, a San’ Maria Ogidietra:
dove i Frati, fin’ che conoscano la volonta di vostra
Eccellenza, non ci vogliono dar’ prattica in modo
nessuno ; Et in quel’ mentre c’ hanno rinchiuso in una
casa a parte. II viaggio mio’ e di passar’ piu inanzi fin’
a Constantinopoli, per i fatti dell’ Illustmo. Ambasciatore
d’ Inghilterra. II perche humilmente suplico che suoa
Eccellza. se degna d’ haver rispetto d’ un’ povero
forestiero, anche nativo d’ una Natione molto affectionata
a la suoa : et che (per suoa gratia) mi manda libera
prattica, accio che io passa seguitar’ il mio viaggio, che
di qua, oltre il rincrescimento della solitudine, anche ogni
cosu mi da noia. Con questo assicurando mi che vostra
Eccellza. haura compassione d’ un’ suo servitore, con disagi
grandissimi per mar’ & per terra battuto, priegho Iddio
per P accrescimento del suo honore. Et le bascio
humilmente le mani. Da San’ Maria Ogidietra, a i vinti
cinque d’ Ottobre (all uso nuovo) P An. 1596.
Di vos. Sigria. Illustma. Humilmo. servire.
Fynes Morysoni.
76
LETTER FROM NICHOLAS DONATI
Of these Letters I received the following answere.
A 1 molto magco. Sigr. il Sigre. Fy : Morysoni,
suo come fratello.
M Olto magco. Sigr. come fratello. Per le vostre lettre
scritte alii 25, del presente (al uso nuovo) all Illmo.
Sigr. Generale, et da ss. ss. Eccellma. mandate qui all’
officio nostro, habbiamo veduto il suo bisogno, & desider-
ando favorir’ et agiutarla in questa occasione, con il riguardo
anco della salute pubca., Mandiamo duoi stradiotti per
accompagnarla con il suo huomo, et condurla di qua, dove
sar a ben’ trattata, & li si dara commodita, di poter, con
P occasione di qualche vassello, seguitar’ il suo viazzo,
usate prima le debite cautele, per assicuration’ delle cose
di questa offo. Pero, S.S. senza pratticar’ altrte., segui-
tara’ questa guida che le mandiamo, & vegnera di qua
con animo consolato di trovar’ Christiani & amici,
obedendo per adesso, & esseguendo P ordine da noi dato
a detti stradiotti, come cirendiamo certi che fara. Et. a.
V.S. c’ offeriamo. Di Candia. Alii 20. d’ Ottobre (alP
uso vecchio) 1596.
Portera con essa, la suoa
fede, sive patente. Di V. S. come fratlli. :
li proveditori alia Sanita.
These Letters follow translated into English.
To the most Illustrious and most excellent Lord,
the Lord Nicholas Donati Generali Provisor
and Inquisitor in the Kingdome of Candia.
my most respected.
M Ost Illustrious, &c. Your Excellency may please
to understand, that I Fynes Morison an English-
man, with my servant, the third of this moneth set saile
from Alexandretta, to sayle into Candia, and that those
parts are free from all infectious sickenesse, as appeares
by my testimoniall sealed with the wonted seale of Saint
77
A.D.
1596 .
Letter from
Signor
Nicholas
Donati.
[I. iii. 254.]
The Letters
in English.
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1596.
The Letters Marke. The Master of the French Shippe in which I
in English, passed, broke his covenant with me, in that he did not
land us in the Haven of Candia, the chiefe City of this
Kingdome ; but sent us in his boate to the wild Promon-
tory Calisminiones, landing and leaving us there, in a
place altogether disinhabited. From thence we asking
the way of the Countrey people, did with much trouble
at last come to the Monastery Saint Maria Ogidietra,
upon the five and twenty of this present (after the new
stile), where the Friers, till they may know the pleasure
of your Excellency, wil in no sort give us liberty to
converse ; but in the meane time have shut us up in a
solitary garden house. My journey lies further to Con-
stantinople, for the affaires of the Lord Ambassadour of
England there abiding : Wherefore I humbly pray that
your excellency will vouchsafe to have favourable respect
of a poore stranger, borne of a Nation well affected to
that of your Excellency, and that by your favour licence
may bee sent me freely to converse, and to take my
journey to the City of Candia, since my solitary living
here, all delay, and many other things in this place, are
irksome unto me. Thus assuring my selfe that your
Excellency will have compassion of his servant, tired with
many misfortunes by Sea and Land, I beseech God for
the increase of your honor, and so humbly kisse your
hands. From San’ Maria Ogidietra this five and twenty
of October (after the new stile) in the yeere 1596.
Your Excellencies humble Servant,
Fynes Moryson.
The Letters sent me in answere thus follow ;
To the noble Gentleman Master Fynes Moryson,
deare to us as a brother.
N Oble Sir, deare to us in place of a Brother. By your
Letters dated the five and twenty of this moneth
(after the new stile) and directed to the Illustrious Lord
78
COMMENTS UPON CRETE
Generali, and by his Excellency sent to our Office ; we
have understood your request, and desirous to favour
you in this occasion, with due respect to the publike
health, we have sent you two Horsemen, who shall guide
you and your servant hither, where you shall be curteously
received, and shall not want the opportunity of a Barke,
to finish your journey, after we have taken due order
(according to our Office) for the preserving of the publike
health. Therefore without conversing with any man,
follow these guides wee have sent you, and come hither
with a cheerefull heart, as to Christians and friends. But
faile not to follow the order which we have given to these
guides, whereof we doubt not and so tender our selves
to you. From Candia the twenty of October (after the
old stile) in the yeere 1596.
Bring with you the testimony
of your health. Yours in place of brethren,
the Provisors for health.
This testimoniall above mentioned, I tooke from the
Venetian Consull (who knew my disease free from all
infection) when I parted from Alexandretta, foreknowing
the necessity thereof. The foresaid two horsemen being
arrived, which with great curtesie were sent to conduct me,
I parted from the Monastery to goe in their company to
the City of Candia, eight & thirty miles distant, being to
passe almost the whole bredth of this Kingdome in the very
middle part thereof. The bredth of the Hand containes
five and forty miles, the length two hundred and thirty
miles, and the circuit (as Ortelius writes) five hundred &
twenty, (others say six hundred or seven hundred miles)
the ancient and moderne writers reckoning diversly.
This Hand is distant from the Cape of Otranto in Italy,
five hundred miles, (others write five hundred and thirty) :
From Alexandria in iEgypt foure hundred and fifty miles
(others write five hundred), from the next shoare of
Affricke two hundred and fifty miles, from Joppa in
Palestine six hundred and sixty miles, (others write six
79
A.D.
1 596 -
The Letters
in English .
IT >>>• 255J
The circuit of
the Island.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1596 .
The Labe-
rinth.
The City of
Candia.
hundred and forty) : from Tripoli in Syria seven hundred
miles, from the Iland Cyprus foure hundred miles, from
Venice 1 500 miles, and from Constantinople seven
hundred and twenty miles.
We beganne our journey in the afternoone, and as
we rode, our guide shewed us not farre out of the high
way, the Monument famous for the love of the Kings
daughter Ariadne to Thesius, called the Laberinth of
Crete, (for so Candia was called of old, and Saturne the
first King thereof, begat Radamanthus, Minos, and
Sarpedon, of Europa the daughter of Agenor, as they
write). Also our guides told us that not far out of the
way to the city Candia, there was a monument of the
cave of Minos, which the Candians call the sepulcher
of Jupiter : but my former adversities had taken from
me my wonted desire to see antiquities, so as we kept
the high way, and passing that day by a City of the Jewes,
lodged that night at a Village, not in any Inne, but in
the very Church, upon straw and our owne bedding, being
content with such victuals as our guides brought us,
namely, cheese, fruites, and good wine. It is probable,
that if we had had free conversation, we might perhaps
have found good lodging in the Village, yet did we justly
doubt thereof, because we could buy no better meate,
nor get any provender for our beasts. The next day in
the morning we set forward, and came to a pleasant
village, where we dined in a faire Church, but could get
no meat for our horses, except they would have eaten
pomegranates or like fruits.
The same day in the afternoone, we came to the City
of Candia, where we staied at the gate, till we knew the
pleasure of the Provisors for health. They could not
be ignorant that our sickenesse was free from all infection,
yet imagining (as after I perceived) that we should be
Merchants, & have some rich Jewels, they sent us to the
Lazaretto, where in a weekes space, when their spies
(according to their manner) had inquired after our state,
and found that there was no hope of gaine by our
80
COMMENTS UPON CRETE
imaginary Jewels, and it then falling out, that other
Merchants being landed with goods, were to be lodged
in our chamber ; at last the Generali Sigr. Nicolao Donato
(called Generali for his commanding in the warre, and
Provisor of health by the said Office, and chiefe inquisitor
for Religion, which Office is sparingly executed in the
State of Venice, yet being not the chiefe Commander of
the Hand ; for II Sigr. Marc’ Antonio Venerio, was then
Liefetenant to the Duke of Venice in this Hand, with
limited authority as the Duke himselfe hath). I say this
generall Provisour for the health, sent unto us a Gentle-
man of that office, II Sigr. Vicenzo Cornaro (who used us
nobly and curteously) and the Scrivano, (that is, Clerke
or Secretary) of that office, called II Sigr. Giovanni
Papadapolo with authority to give us free conversation.
These Gentlemen (according to the custome, such as the
state of no passenger can be hidden from them) caused
ropes to be hanged acrosse our chamber, and all things
we had, yea, our very shirts, to be severally taken out,
and hanged thereupon, and so perfumed them with brim-
stone, to our great anoyance, though they well knew we
had no infectious sicknesse, which done, they gave us
freedome to goe into the City, and wheresoever we would.
To the Scrivano I gave a zechine, desiring him to take
it in good part, as the guift of a poore gentleman, and
nothing lesse then an Indian Merchant, as they suspected.
This house called Lazaretto, was built of free stone, with
Cellers for the laying up of goods, and had pleasant walks
both in the yard and garden, and the Keeper of this house
had furnished me with a bed and all necessaries, and for
the seven daies past, had bought us our meat in the City,
which he would likewise have dressed, but that mj servant
was a Cooke, and for this service he had done, I gave
him also a zechine.
Then we went into the Citie, & lodged with an Italian,
who had often brought us meat and necessaries to the
Lazaretto, and with him my selfe and my servant had
convenient beds, and plentifull diet, for which I paid sixe
M. II 81 f
A.D.
1 596 .
Things
perfumed with
brimstone.
The
Lazaretto.
[I. iii. 256.]
A.D.
1596 .
Richard.
D arson
an English
Merchant.
Charges in
Candia.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
lyres each day. But the horsemen who conducted us
to Candia came often to me, and for that service I gave
to each of them a zechine, and by them I understood the
prices of the Market for diet. So as all the Candians
speaking Italian, aswell as their naturall Greeke tongue,
and I finding the rate of our expences to bee excessive,
I determined to hier a chamber, and to buy my owne
meate in the Market. But it happened, that at the same
time an English Merchant landed, who was a Factor to
buy Muskedines of Candia (whereof, and especially of
red Muskedine, there is great plenty in this Hand), and
this Merchant called Richard Darson, being wel acquainted
with the best courses of living in Candia, had hired a
little house, and a woman to dresse his meate, and at my
intreaty he was content to give us a chamber in his house,
and to hier us two beds, that so we might dyet together,
where he used us very curteously, and our dyet was as
plentifull as before, at a far lower rate, dividing our
expences into three parts, whereof he paied one, and my
selfe two, for my owne and my servants diet. There was
at that time great dearth of Corne, so as white bread was
hardly to be got, though the Italians, making their meales
for the most part of bread, use to have it very white and
good. Here we bought a Bocale of rich Wine, containing
two English quarts and a halfe for a lire of Venice; a
Pigion for 7 soldi ; a Partridge for a lire, or 16 soldi; a
pound of veale for 7 soldi, of mutton for some 5 soldi,
& we had plentie of fruits for a small price. The Beefe
in Italy useth to be leane, and is seldome eaten, and such
beefe they had here ; for by the Law, called Foscherini,
it is commaunded, that no man shall kill a beefe, till it
be unfit to draw in the Plough, and to doe like service.
Here I paid foure lires for a paire of shooes, the rest of
my expences I omit for brevitie sake, those sufficing, to
give a passenger some guesse at what rate he may live.
Onely I will adde, that the worke of Porters and labouring
men, as well in Italy as here, is had for small wages,
because there is great number of poore people, and they
82
COMMENTS UPON CRETE
abhorre from begging, so as one soldo contents a Porter
for bringing your victuals from the Market.
When I went to Jerusalem and sailed by the Hand of
Candia, I made some mention thereof, and I have now
formerly set downe the length, breadth, and circuit, and
the distance thereof from other Provinces, and have
shewed that Candia is subject to the Venetians, and have
also named the chiefe Governours thereof for that time.
I will now briefely adde, that this Hand is defended by
a Venetian Garrison against the Great Turke, to whom
all the adjacent Countries are subject. That it hath great
plentie, of red Muskedines, wherewith England for
the most part is served. That it hath great plentie
of all kinds of Corne, of all manner of Pulse, of
Oyle, of all kinds of flesh, of Canes of sugar, of Hony,
of Cedar trees, of all coloured Dyings of Cypres trees,
(whereof many sweete smelling Chests are made, and
carried into forraine parts), and of all necessaries for
human life. Neither is any venemous beast found in
this Hand, but it hath store of medicinable hearbs,
especially upon the famous Mountaine Ida.
The Cities of this Hand were of old one hundred, and
in the time of Pliny fortie ; but at this day there bee
onely three, namely, Canea at the West ende of the Hand,
neere which lies the Fort Souda, with a Haven capable
of a thousand Gallies. The second called Rethino by
the Italians, seated on the South-side of the Hand, (upon
which side the Italians adde a fourth Citie called Settia),
and the third called Candia, the Metropolitan Citie of
the Hand, which is faire and large, built of stone, with
a low roofe, after the manner ol Italy, and the streets
thereof are faire and large. It is strongly fortified (as
need requires) by the Venetians against the Turkes, and
to that purpose hath a strong Castle. From this Citie
a large and pleasant Plaine leades to the foresaid cave of
Minos, (which the Candians call the Sepulcher of
Jupiter), neere which is the most famous Mountaine Ida,
which they hold to bee seated in the middest of the Hand,
83
A.D.
1596 .
The great
plentie of
Candia.
The Cities
of the Hand.
The City
Candia.
A.D.
1596 .
Ninette five
measures of
come from one
measure.
[I. iii. 257.]
December 20.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
being higher then any of the other Mountaines thereof,
and it aboundeth with Cypres trees. Finally, I remember,
that when I lodged in the Monastery San’ Maria
Ogidietra, the Caloiri (or Monkes, who for the most part
are unlearned, and till the ground, and labour like laimen),
assured me that each measure of corne sowed in their
fields the yeere past, had yeelded ninetie five measures.
Chap. IIII.
Of my journey from Candia (partly by land, partly
by Sea) by the sea shoares, and by the Ilands
of the fEgean Sea, Pontus, and Propontis, to
the Citie of Constantinople. And of my
journey thence by Sea to Venice, and by
Land to Augsburg, Nurnberg and Stode (in
Germany.) And of my passage over Sea into
England. And of my journey through many
severall Shires, of England, Scotland and
Ireland.
Pon Monday the twentie of December
(after the old stile) at three of the clock
in the afternoone, we went aboard a little
Greeke Barke loaded with Muskedines,
and with tunnes of Lemons Juyce (which
the Turks drinke like Nectar), and with
Onions, and ready to saile for Constanti-
nople, where I payed for my passage five zechines, and
as much for my servant. The night following was very
bright with Moone-shine, yet we staied all the night in
the Haven (compassed with walles), either because the
Governour of the Castle would not let the Barke go forth,
till the Master had satisfied him, or because the Master
pretending that cause of stay, had some businesse to
dispatch. The next morning early, being the one and
twentie of December, we set saile, and the same day
84
FROM CRETE TO CONSTANTINOPLE
we sailed close by the Hand Zantorini, more then one
hundred miles distant from Candia. They report, that
this Hand, and another of the same name (both of little
circuit) were in our age cast up in the middest of the Sea,
with an eruption of flames and of Brimstone, and that
they are not inhabited, but are commonly called the Divels
Hands, because many ships casting anchor there, and
fastning their Cables upon land, have had their Cables
loosed by spirits in the night, and so suffered shipwrack,
or hardly escaped the same. The night following we
sailed in the middest of many Hands which made that
Channell very dangerous, and for my part I was more
affraid of the danger, because our Candian Merchant
growing acquainted with an harlot in the ship, was not
ashamed to have the use of her body in the sight of the
Marriners that watched, and much blamed him for the
same. Upon Wednesday the two and twentie of
December, we sailed by the Hand Paros, celebrated by
Poets for the fine Marble growing there, and so we came
to the Hand Naxos, two hundred miles distant from
Candia. Naxos and the adjacent Hands had their owne
Duke of old, but now are subject to the Turke, as the
other Hands bee for the most part. And our Marriners
dwelling in this Hand, and landing to see their wives, we
also landed with them, where I did see upon a Hill like
a Peninsul neere this chiefe Village, two Marble images
erected to Thesius and Ariadne. Here I observed, that
when any stranger or Inhabitant lands, the beggers flock
to the dores of the houses or Innes where they eate, and
having formerly observed in the Greeke Church at Venice,
that when they gave their Aimes to beggers, they not
onely suffered them to touch their garments with their
lousie rags, but also tooke them familiarly by the hands,
I knew not whether I should attribute this fashion to their
charitable affection in time of their bondage, or to their
seldom feasting, and the multitude of beggars.
In the evening we loosed from Naxos, and sailing over
a channell no lesse dangerous then the former, for the
35
A.D.
i59 6 -
Zantorini.
Paros.
Naxos.
A.D.
1 596 -
Z to.
Seven
Churches.
Pathmos.
[I. iii. 258.]
Metelene.
Troy.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
multitude of Hands, upon the three and twentie of
December we passed close by the shoare of the Hand
Zio, called Chios of old. It is inhabited by Greekes
(as the other Hands are), and is famous for the pleasant-
nesse and fertiltie of the situation and soyle. It yeeldeth
great store of Mastick, and the country people keepe
flocks of tame Partridges, as of Hens other where. They
brag, that Homer lyes buried upon the Mountaine Helias,
and this Hand hath Saint George for their protecting Saint,
and beares his Crosse in their Flags, as England doth.
Here we might distinctly see the shoare of Asia, in that
part, where of old the seven Churches stood not farre
distant, to which Saint John writes his Revelation. And
the Hand Pathmos is not farre distant, where Saint John
lived in exile. Towards the evening we cast anchor neere
the Hand Metelene, which is seated (as Zio) in the Egean
Sea, and is no lesse pleasant and fertile. Of old it was
called Lesbos, then Issa, and after Pelasgia, and therein
were borne, Pythagoras, the Poet Alceus, Antimenides,
Theophrastus, Phanius, Arton, and Tersandrus, and the
famous woman Poet Sapho. Zio is distant one hundred
and forty miles from Naxos and Meteline, ninety miles
from Zio.
The foure and twenty of December, (being Christmas
even, after the old stile used among the Greekes, and in
all Turkey), early in the morning we weighed anchor,
and with a faire but gentle wind, sayled close by the shoare
where the City of Troy stood of old, seated in a plaine,
and upon pleasant hils neere the Sea, and at this day the
ruines of Illium the Castle of Priamus are seene upon a
hill, and the ruines of the wals in the plaine, yet shew
the circuit of the City. The Poets said truly ;
Hie seges est ubi Troia fuit,
Corne growes now where Troy once stood.
Yet the plowed fields have very many ruines of
buildings. On the North side of these Trojan ruines,
a necke of Land lies towards the Sea, where they say the
86
FROM CRETE TO CONSTANTINOPLE
Greekes encamped, and left their fatall Trojan Horse.
Right over against this Land lies the Hand Tenedos, scarce
ten miles distant, in the Haven whereof we cast anchor
for an hower, under a little Castle, and this Tenedos is
sixty miles distant from Metelene. From hence sailing
some eighteene miles, we passed by two necks of Land,
one of Greece on the West-side, the other of Asia the
lesse, (now called Natolia) on the East-side, and after
twelve miles saile, we entered the streight of Hellespont,
now called the two Castles, the description whereof I will
defer till my returne this way.
The Greek Marriners have a custome here to demand
a gift of all Merchants & passengers in their ship, for
joy of their happy voyage, and they say, (which I beleeve
not) that if any refuse, they tie a rope to his feete, and
draw him up to the top of the maste, till he yeeld to this
custome : but howsoever, we all obeyed this ridiculous
custome, not to offend them who had used us well.
This channell running from the blacke sea, called
Euxinus, into Propontis, and so by Constantinople to
these said two Castles, and from hence into the Aegean
sea, from the North towards the South, is alwaies contrary
to those that sayle from the mediteranian sea to Constanti-
nople, especially after they enter this streight of the two
Castles, and neere Constantinople it runnes with such
force towards the South, as they that saile to the City,
(whereof we had experience) with the best winds, yet
sayle very slowly. This violence of the Channell is
attributed to great Rivers violently falling into the blacke
Sea.
The foresaid Christmas even we landed at Gallipolis
a Greeke City, seated in Thrace, having the name (as it
seemes) from the French, and eight and twenty miles
distant from the two Castles. On Saturday the five and
twenty of December, being Christmas day, after the old
stile, we set saile ; but the winds drove us backe to the
Haven of Gallipolis, where being detained some few daies,
though I staied in the ship for feare of some fraud from
87
A.D.
1596
Tenedos.
Sestos y
Abydos.
Gallipolis
A.D.
1596 .
Marmora.
[I. iii. 259.]
Aloni.
Janua. 1.
Anno 1 597.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
the Turkes, yet once I went on Land with our Marriners.
The City lieth in length upon the shoare of Propontis,
from the South to the North, and it hath without the
wals towards the West, great number of Wind-mils, the
buildings are of flint or little unpolished stones, one or
two stories high, and the roofe is low and tiled, (not
plaine and plastered to walke upon, as they be in Syria
and Cyprus) ; and this roofe is so low as it hath no
windowes, so as the buildings of these parts are very like
those of Italy. The Haven is on the East side, and
upon the opposite shoare of Asia towards the East, are
the ruines not farre distant of Nice, a City of Bithinia,
famous for the holy Councell held there of old. Upon
Saterday the first of January, we sailed sixty miles in this
straight of Propontis, to the Hand Marmora, not without
feare of Turkish Pirats, the Haven of Camera being
neere us, where the great Turkes Gallies lie. By the way
they shewed me a Castle towards the East, upon the shore
of Asia the lesse, which they say stands upon the confines
of the Trojan Dominion, and thereof hath the name to
this day. The Hand Marmora is so called (as I think)
of the marble wherewith it aboundeth. The second of
January we set sayle from Marmora, and being by contrary
winds driven backe (as I think, or little advanced) we
came to the Hand Aloni some ten miles distant from
Marmora (and so called of the forme of a yard, in which
Oxen used to grinde Corne, or beate it small.) After
the beginning of the new yeere (which the Greekes, as
most of Europe, begin the first of Januarie) the first
Wednesday (being the fourth of that month), the Grecian
Marriners have a custom retained from old times, to
baptize the Sea, (as they terme it), which done, they
thinke the Flouds and Windes to grow more calme then
formerly. The Hand Aloni hath a Port on all sides com-
passed with Hands, and that very large and safe, where
while we passed some stormy daies, wee heard of many
Barkes and Gallies cast away. While I walked here upon
the shoare, a wild-headed Turke tooke my hat from my
88
FROM CRETE TO CONSTANTINOPLE
head (being of the fashion of Europe not used there),
and having turned it, and long beheld it, he said (to use
his rude words) Lend me this vessell to ease my belly
therein ; and so girning flung it on the dyrtie ground,
which I with patience tooke up. These and like wrongs
of speech, even threatnings of blowes I sometimes indured
in Turkey, but never had the disaster to have any blow
given me by any of them, which many good Christians
notwithstanding have suffered and daily suffer, and
my selfe if they had fallen to my share, must have
suffered with patience, except I would by resistance
have incurred shamefull and cruell death : On Thursday
the thirteenth of January, at last wee set sayle with
a faire winde, and after twentie miles sayling we
passed by the Citie Palormo seated upon the shoare of
Asia the lesse, and famous for the white Wine it yeeldeth
(the best that ever I tasted), and having sayled ten miles
further, we sailed by the Citie Heraclea, seated on the
shore of Greece (whereof in my returne this way I shall
have cause to speake more at large.)
Towards evening we thought we were come to one
of the corners of Constantinople, called the seven Towers,
yet by reason of the foresaid swift channell running from
the black Sea full against us, with a most faire wind we
could not land in the Haven of Constantinople till mid-
night, having that day sayled one hundred and twentie
miles in all from the said lie Aloni. This voyage was
more tedious to us, in that howsoever landing we had
somtimes good dyet, yet while we were at Sea, we had
no good victuals in the ship. For the Greeke Marriners
feede of Onions, Garlike, and dried fishes, (one kinde
whereof they call Palamides, and the Italians call
Palamito) and in stead of a banket, they will give you
a head of Garlick rosted in the ashes, and pleasantly call
it a pigeon. With this and Bisket they content them-
selves, and these we were forced to eate, having omitted
to provide any dried or salt meates at Candia, because
wee hoped to find those in our Barke, and knowing that
89
A.D.
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Palormo.
Heraclea.
Greeke
Marriners
Diet.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 *
Constanti-
nople.
[I. iii. 260.]
it was in vaine to provide any fresh meates, because they
would not suffer a her to be made in so small a Barke,
wherewith we might dresse them. But after we had eaten
Bisket and dried fishes, we had an unknowne comfort or
helpe to disgest them. For in our privat cabbin, we
had the head of a tun of Muskedine lying under our
heads when we slept, in stead of a bolster, and our ship
being bound on the upper part of the sides with bundles
of Reedes, to beate off the force of the waves, we taking
one of the long Reedes, found meanes to pierce the vessell,
and get good Wine to our ill fare, and drunke so merrily,
that before wee came to our journies end, our former
Reede became too short, so as we were faine to piece it
with another.
Having cast anchor (as I said) in the Port of Constanti-
nople, behold, as soone as day began to breake, many
companies of Turkes rushing into our Barke, who like
so many starved flies fell to sucke the sweete Wines, each
rascall among them beating with cudgels and ropes the
best of our Marriners, if he durst but repine against
it, till within short space the Candian Merchant having
advertised the Venetian Ambassadour of their arrivall,
he sent a Janizare to protect the Barke, and the goods ;
and assoone as he came, it seemed to me no lesse strange,
that this one man should beate all those Turkes, and drive
them out of the Barke like so many dogs, the common
Turkes daring no more resist a souldier, or especially a
Janizare, then Christians dare resist them. And the
Serjant of the Magistrate having taken some of our
Greeke Marriners (though subject to the State of Venice)
to worke for their Ottoman in gathering stones, and like
base imployments, this Janizary caused them presently
to be released, and to be sent againe into their Barke,
such is the tyranny of the Turkes against all Christians
aswel their subjects as others, so as no man sayleth into
these parts, but under the Banner of England, France,
or Venice, who being in league with the great Turke,
have their Ambassadours in this Citie, and their Consuls
90
COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
in other Havens, to protect those that come under their
Banner, in this sort sending them a Janizare to keepe
them from wrongs, so soone as they are advertised of
their arrivall.
My selfe lodged in the house of Master Edward Barton,
the English Ambassadour, who gave me a Janizare to
guide and protect me, while I went to view the City,
round about the whole circuit whereof I went on foot
and by boat in foure houres space, the forme of the Citie
being triangular, and containing nine miles by Sea towards
the North and East, and five miles by land towards the
West. I professe my selfe to have small skill in the art
of Geography, yet will I adventure (though rudely) to
set downe the forme and situation of this City, so plainely,
as I doubt not but the Reader may easily understand it,
howsoever in the same (as in other cities formerly
described) I acknowledge that I use not the rule of the
scale, in the distance of places, nor other exquisite rules
of that Art, having no other end, but to make the Reader
more easily understand my description.
The description of the City of Constantinople, and
the adjacent Territories and Seas.
The great lines or walles shew the forme of the City,
and the single small lines describe the Teritory adjoyning.
(A) In this Tower they hang out a light of pitch and
like burning matter, to direct the Saylers by night,
comming to the City, or sayling along the coast out of
the Sea Euxinus (which they say is called the Black Sea
of many shipwracks therein happening.) And this Tower
is sixteene miles distant from the Citie.
(B) Here is a marble pillar erected upon a Rocke
compassed with the sea, which they call the pillar of
Pompey, and therein many passengers (for their memory)
use to ingrave their names. And here are innumerable
flocks of Sea foule and of many kindes, wherewith hee
that is skilfull to shoote in his Peece, may abundantly
furnish himselfe.
A.D.
1597 *
Master
Edward
Barton , the
English
Ambassadour.
The
description of
Constan-
tinople.
[I. ixi. 261.]
91
A.D.
1597 -
Two strong
Castles.
Gallata and
Per ah.
Master
Edward
Barton' s house.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
(C) Here is the Euxine or black Sea.
(D E) Here lie two strong Castles, one in Europe, the
other in Asia, some eight miles distant from the Citie,
built to defend the Haven from the assault of the enemies
by Sea on that side, and the Garrison there kept, searcheth
the ships comming from the Citie, that no slaves or
prohibited goods be carried therein, neither can any ship
passe unsearched, except they will hazard to be sunck.
Finally, the great Turke sends his chiefe prisoners to be
kept in these strong Castles.
(F) Here great ships use to cast anchor at their first
arrivall, till they bee unloaded, and here againe they ride
at anchor to expect windes, when they are loaded and
ready to depart.
(G) All along this banke and the opposite side for a
large circuit, the greatest ships use to lie when they are
unloaded, and they lie most safely and close by the shore,
fastaned by cables on land.
(H) Here lyes the old Citie built by the Genoesi of
Italy, called Gallata by the Turks, and Perah by the
Greekes (of the situation beyond the Channell.) It is
now accounted a Suburbe of Constantinople, and is seated
upon a most pleasant hill, wherein for the most part
live Christians, as well subjects as others, and the
Ambassadours of England, France, and Venice, only the
Emperours Ambassadour must lye within the Citie, more
like a pledge of peace, then a free Ambassadour, and
very few Turkes live here mingled with the Christians.
The situation of Gallata (as I said) is most pleasant.
Formerly the Ambassadours of England were wont to
dwell upon the Sea-shore in the Plaine, and their Pallace
is not farre distant from this note (K) ; but Master Edward
Barton the English Ambassadour at this time dwelt upon
the top of the hill, in a faire house within a large field,
and pleasant gardens compassed with a wall. And all
Gallata is full of very pleasant gardens, and compassed
with pleasant fields, whereof some towards the land
furthest from the Sea, are used for the buriall of Turkes.
92
COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
A.D.
(I) Here a little Creeke of the Sea is compassed with
walles and buildings, within which the Gallies of the
great Turke lie in safety, and there be fit places to
build Gallies, and store-houses for all things thereunto
belonging.
(K) Here is the chiefe passage over the water called
Tapano, where a man may passe for two aspers. All
along this Sea banke lye very many great Gunnes (as
upon the Tower Wharfe at London), and here the fishers
land, and sell their fish.
(L) Here the Megarenses of old built Chalcedon, a
Citie of Bethinia, famous for a Councell held there,
by the ruine of which Citie, Constantinople increased.
At this day there is onely a Village, or rather some
scattered houses, and it is commonly called Scuteri, or
Scudretta.
(M) Here the Great Turks mother then living, had
her private Garden.
(N) Hither the Heyre of the Empire is sent, as it
were into banishment, under pretence to governe the
Province Bursia, assoone as he is circumcised, and so
being made a Musulman (that is, a circumcised Turke)
first begins to draw the eyes of the Army and Janizares
towards him.
(O) Here is the Pallace or Court of the great Turke,
called by the Italians Seraglio, and vulgarly Saray, and
it was of old the Monastery of Saint Sophia. Mahomet
the second first compassed it with walls, and the buildings
together with the large and pleasant gardens are some
three or foure miles in circuit. I entered the outward
Court thereof by a stately Gate kept by many Janizares
called Capigi of that office. The court yard was large,
all compassed with building of free stone two stories
high, with a low and almost plaine roofe tyled, and with-
out windowes, after the maner of the building of Italy,
and round about the inside, it was cast out with arches
like the building of Cloisters, under which they walked
drie in the greatest raine. And in this Court is a large
93
1 597 *
Chalcedon.
The Pallace
of the great
Turke.
[I. iii. 262.]
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 *
The Church
of Saint
Sophia.
Alla Mosaica.
pulpit or open roome, where the great Turke useth to
shew himselfe to the Janizares to satisfie them when they
make any mutiny.
(P) Here is a banqueting house, vulgarly called
Chuske, the prospect whereof is more pleasant then can
be expressed, beholding foure Seats at once, and the land
on all sides beyond them.
(Q) Here is the Church of Saint Sophia, opposite to
the Court Gate, of old built by the Christians after the
forme of Salomons Temple, and indowed with the annuall
rent of three hundred thousand Zechines, now made a
Mosche or Mahometan Church. And howsoever the
Turks cannot indure that unwashed Christians (so called
by them, because they use not Baths so continually as
they doe) should enter their Mosches, or passe over their
Sepulchers, yet my self entered this Church with the
Janizare my guid, trusting to his power to defend me,
yet he willed me first to put of my shooes, and according
to the Turkes custome to leave them in the porch, where
they were safe till we returned. The Church is of a
round forme, and built of bricke, and supported with
faire pillars, and paved with Marble (over which the Turks
layed Mats to kneele, and prostrate themselves more
commodiously upon them.) The roofe is beautified with
pictures of that rich painting, which the Italians call alia
Mosaica, shining like enameled work, which now by
antiquity were much decaied, and in some parts defaced.
Round about the Church hung many Lampes, which they
use to burne in the time of their Lent (called Beyram),
and every weeke upon Thursday in the evening, and
Friday all day, which they keepe holy after their fashion
for their Sabbath day. Round about the upper part of
the Church are large and most faire Galleries. And here
I did see two Nuts of Marble of huge bignesse and great
beauty. Moreover I did see the great Turke when he
entered this Church, and howsoever it lie close to the
Gate of his Pallace, yet he came riding upon a horse richly
trapped, with many troopes of his chiefe horsemen,
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COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
1597 -
standing in ranke within the Courts of his Pallace, and
from the Court Gate to the Church dore, betweene which
troopes on both sides, he passed as betweene walles of
brasse, with great pompe. And when a Chaus (or
Pensioner) being on horseback did see mee close by the
Emperours side, hee rushed upon me to strike me with
his mace, saying, What doth this Christian dog so neere
the person of our great Lord? But the Janizare, whom
our Ambassadour had given me for a Guide and Protector,
repelled him from doing mee any wrong, and many
Janizares (according to their manner) comming to helpe
him, the Chaus was glad to let mee alone, and they bade
me be bold to stand still, though I were the second or
third person from the Emperour. Neere this Church is
the stately Sepulcher of Selymus the second, and another The Sepulcher
Sepulcher no lesse stately, and newly built for Amurath C Selymus,
lately deceased, where he lay with those male children 5
round about him, who according to the manner were
strangled by his Successour after hee was dead. Not farre
thence is the Market place having some one hundred
marble pillars about it, and adorned with a Pyramis or
pinacle, erected upon foure Globes, and with a pleasant
Fountaine of water, together with other ornaments left
(as it seemes) by Christian Emperours.
(R) The wonderfull Mosche and Sepulcher of Solyman,
numbred among the miracles of the World.
(S) Two houses for the same use, as the Exchange of Two houses
London, where the Merchants meete, namely, for the f or Exchange.
selling of fine wares, but no way to be compared to the
same for the building. They are called the great and
the lesse Bezestan, and use to bee opened onely certaine
dales of the weeke, and for some sixe howers, at which
times small and more pretious wares are there to be sold,
as Jewels, Semiters (or Swords), set with Jewels, but
commonly counterfet, pieces of Velvet, Satten, and
Damaske, and the like. And the Market place is not
farre distant, where Captives of both sexes are weekely
sold, and the buyers if they will, may take them into a
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a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 -
house, and there see them naked, and handle them (as wee
handle beasts to know their fatnesse and strength.)
[I. iii. 263.] (T) Here is a Fort that is fortified with seven Towers,
Fort Jadicule. called by the Turkes Jadicule, and by Christians the seven
Towers, where a garrison of Souldiers is kept, because the
Emperors treasure is there laied up, and cheefe Prisoners
use to be kept there. The treasure is vulgarly said to
bee laied up there, but the great Turke seldome goes
thither ; and since it is true, that where the treasure is,
there is the mind, I thinke it probable (which I have heard
of experienced men) that most of the treasure lies in the
Seraglio, where the great Turke holds his Court.
(V) Here be the ruines of a Pallace upon the very wals
of the City, called the Pallace of Constantine, wherein I
did see an Elephant, called Philo by the Turkes, and
another beast newly brought out of Affricke, (the Mother
of Monsters) which beast is altogether unknowne in our
parts, and is called Surnapa by the people of Asia,
Description of Astanapa by others, and Giraffa by the Italians, the picture
a Giraffa. whereof I remember to have seene in the Mappes of
Mercator ; and because the beast is very rare, I will
describe his forme as well as I can. His haire is red
coloured, with many blacke and white spots ; I could
scarce reach with the points of my fingers to the hinder
part of his backe, which grew higher and higher towards
his foreshoulder, and his necke was thinne and some three
els long, so as hee easily turned his head in a moment
to any part or corner of the roome wherein he stood,
putting it over the beames thereof, being built like a
Barne, and high (for the Turkish building, not unlike the
building of Italy, both which I have formerly described)
by reason whereof he many times put his nose in my
necke, when I thought my selfe furthest distant from him,
which familiarity of his I liked not ; and howsoever the
Keepers assured me he would not hurt me, yet I avoided
these his familiar kisses as much as I could. His body
was slender, not greater, but much higher then the body
of a stagge or Hart, and his head and face was like to that
96
y f?
The description of the City of Constantinople, and the adjacent
Territories and Seas
COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
of a stagge, but the head was lesse and the face more
beautifull : He had two homes, but short and scarce
halfe a foote long ; and in the forehead he had two bunches
of flesh, his eares and feete like an Oxe, and his legges
like a stagge. The Janizare my guide did in my name
and for me give twenty Aspers to the Keeper of this
Beast.
(WX) Here be two Castles or Forts, divided by the
Hellespont, one seated in Europe, the other in Asia,
whereof I made mention in my sayling to Constantinople,
and of which I shall speake more largely at my going
from this City.
Constantinople built (sixe hundred sixty three yeeres
before Christ was borne), by Pausanius a Lacedemonian,
was first called Bizantium, till Constantine the Great in
the yeere of the Lord 315, did rebuild it, after it had beene
destroied by the Emperour Severus, and called it by his
name. The Turkes under Mahomet the second, first
tooke this City, in the yeere 1453, from the Christians,
with destruction of great multitudes of them, and at this
day it is called (of the great circuit) Stimboli by the
Grecians, and Stambolda by the Turkes. It is seated in
Thrace (also called Romania) and is built in forme of a
Triangle, whereof two sides towards the North and East,
lie upon two seas, and the third side towards the West, lies
upon the continent of Greece. For many causes this City
is famous, and in two respects may be justly preferred
to any other in the World knowne to us, namely for the
pleasantnesse of the situation, and the largenesse and
safety of the Haven. The forme thereof formerly set
downe, doth in part shew the pleasantnes of the situation,
but the fruitfulnesse of the fields, the sweetnes and beauty
of the flowers, and the variety and goodnesse of the fruits
cannot sufficiently be praised. The fishes in the winter
season flying from the cold of the Euxine or black Sea,
fall downe in great numbers into the Sea Propontis, pass-
ing close by the wals of the City ; and againe in Summer
time, not induring the heat of the Mediterranean sea,
M. II 97 g
A.D.
1 597 *
Castles
divided by the
Hellespont.
The situation
of Constan-
tinople.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1597 -
The Haven.
[I. iii. 264.]
The trails.
The Seven
Hills.
returne backe in like numbers the same way. This City
hath a thousand pleasant creekes of the Sea within sight.
To conclude, the Countrey is no lesse pleasant then the
Inhabitants are wicked.
The Haven will receive an huge number of shippes,
and upon both the bankes of the City and Gallata, shippes
of 500. tunnes or greater once unloaded, may so lie with
their cables fastened on the Land, as they can passe from
the shippes to Land without any boates, and for the
excellency of the Port, the City it selfe is called the Port
by the Turkes, and Ovid cals it the Port of two Seas, for
the two channels of Propontis, and the Euxine Sea. Of
old the City had eleven gates called, Aurea, Pargea,
Romana, Carthasea, Regia, Caligaria, Kilma, Harmagona,
Phara, Theodosia, and Spilica. At this day the slender wall
of bricke towards the Sea, hath thirteene gates not worth
the naming. The wall towards the Land is of bricke,
and is said to have beene much ruined in the yeere 1509,
by an Earth-quake, yet still on that side are three wals
which are broad enough for a cart to passe, of which the
outmost towards land is little higher then the foundation
of the second, nor that much higher then the foundation
of the third, the fields on that side being plaine, yet in
like sort rising higher and higher as they be neerer to
the wals of the City, save that neere the foresaid Pallace
of Constantine, some hils lie without the wals.
This City (as Rome) is said to containe seven Hils or
mounts within the wals, wherof some to me seemed
imaginary, but I will reckon them as they doe, and first
beginne with the hill, upon which stand the ruines of
Constantines Pallace. The second hath the stately
Mosche (or Turkish Church) built upon the Pallace, which
of old belonged to the Graecian Patriarke. Upon the
third stands the stately Mosche and most richly built
Sepulcher of Mahomet the second, with an Hospitall built
by the same Emperour, where all Turkish Pilgrimes have
their lodging and diet freely for three daies, and it hath
one hundred and fifty chambers built for the poore of the
98
COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
City, and the yeerely rents thereof are valued at two
hundred thousand zechines, yea the Court or Seraglio of
the Great Turke paies each day an hundred Aspers to
this Hospitall. The Sepulcher of Selimus takes up the
fourth hill, and the sepulcher of Baiazet, the fifth hill.
Betweene the fifth and the sixth hill, is the old Pallace
of the Great Turke, (which the Italians call Seraglio
vecchio), where the Concubines of the deceased Emperour,
and the present Emperours sisters and a great number of
his concubines, (for the fairest and dearest to him are taken
to live in his Court), are kept by Eunuches within this old
Seraglio, which is of great circuit, containing many houses
and gardens compassed within one wall. Upon the sixth
hill stands the foresaid wonderfull Mosche and Sepulcher
of Solyman, noted with the letter (R). Lastly, the
seventh hill containes the chiefe Pallace of the Great
Turke, and the Church Saint Sophia, now made a Mosche,
noted with the Letters O.Q.
The tops of the Sepulchers and Mosches, being of a
round forme and covered with brasse, and the spacious
gardens of Cypresse and Firre trees, make shew of more
beauty and magnificence to the beholder from any high
place, or without the wals, then in deed the City hath.
The Sepulchers are no doubt very stately built, having
upon the top one two or more round globes covered with
leade or brasse. On the inside they seeme like lightsome
Chappels with many windowes, and they being built in a
round forme, the dead Emperour is laied in the middest
or center of the Sepulcher, in a chest or coffin raised some
three foot from the ground, having the Tulbent which
hee wore upon his head in his life time laied upon his
Tombe, being set forth with the Jewels he most esteemed,
(which Tulbent is made of some twenty or more yards
of pure and fine white linnen, foulded in many foulds,
in the forme of a halfe globe). Next the Emperour lies
the Sultana or Empresse, in her Coffin, (so they call his
Concubine, Mother of his Heire and Successour), pro-
vided alwaies that shee have had a letter of dowry by
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A.D.
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The old
Pallace.
The
Sepulchers
of the
Emperours.
A.D.
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The
Emperours
male children
strangled.
[I. iii. 265.]
The buildings
of the City.
The streetes.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
which shee is made his wife ; for otherwise shee is not
buried with him. And round about the Emperour and
Empresse in Coffins lower then theirs, lie the bodies of
his male children, which (according to their manner) are
strangled by his Successour assoone as he was dead, and
upon their Coffins likewise their Tulbents are laied
severally. These children are laied in little Coffins of
Cypresse, and this middle part wherein the dead bodies lie,
is compassed with a grate, so as betweene the bodies and
the windowes there is a gallery round about, which is
spred with Turkey carpets, and upon them the Priests
that keepe the Sepulcher, doe lie by night, and sit crosse
legged by day, neither is the roome at any time without
some of these Keepers, so as the Emperours are attended
even after death.
The buildings of the City have no magnificence, being
partly of a matter like bricke, but white, and (as it seemes)
unhardned by fire, partly of timber and clay, excepting
some few pallaces which are of free stone, but nothing so
stately built as might be expected from the pride and riches
of the great Turkes chiefe servants. And these houses
(as those of the adjacent territories of Europe) are built
only 2 stories high, with a low roofe without any
windowes, after the manner of Italy, whereas the houses
of Asia have a plaine and plaistered roofe to walke upon,
especially in Asia the greater. The streetes of this Citie
are narrow, and shadowed with pentises of wood, and
upon both sides the way is raised some foot high, but of
little breadth, and paved for men and women to passe,
the middest of the street being left low and unpaved,
and no broader, then for the passage of Asses or beasts
loaded. In many places of the streetes lye carcases, yea
sometimes the bodies of dead men, even till they be
putrified, and I thinke this uncleanlinesse of the Turks
(who otherwise place Religion in washing their bodies,
and keeping their apparrell, especially their Tulbent pure
and cleane) is the chiefe cause that this Citie, though most
pleasantly seated, yet above all the Cities of the world
100
COMMENTS UPON CONSTANTINOPLE
is continually more or lesse infected with the plague.
They say, that Job, famous for his pietie and patience, is
buried in this Citie : but I did not see his monument,
and thinke it probable, that the same and all like Christian
monuments, were defaced by the Turkes when they tooke
the Citie.
The worthie English Ambassadour, Master Edward
Barton most curteously entertained me with lodging and
dyet so long as I staied in this Citie, so as for them I
spent not one Asper : but I passe over the due praises
which I owe to the memory of this worthy Gentleman,
being hereafter to speake more of him, I will onely adde,
that I attended him once to the great Turkes Court, and
when I had nothing satisfied my curiositie in viewing
the Citie by occasions casually happening, that hee com-
maunded a Janizare to guide mee round about the same,
till I had taken full view thereof. And with this guide
the first day I viewed the foresaid monuments within
the walles, and the second day compassed the Citie without
the walles, beginning at the passage over the water called
Tapano, and noted with the letter (K), and so passing by
water (in a boat, vulgarly called Pyrame, and hired for
fortie aspers) to the Castle of the seven Towers, noted
with the letter (T), then passing by land to the Pallace
of Constantine, noted with the letter (V.)
And by the way as we passed by land, an old woman
meeting us, and taking me for a Captive to be sold,
demaunded my price of the Janizare ; who for mirth
entertained her offer to buy me and another Gentleman,
servant to the Ambassadour, whom hee had sent to beare
me company : but because I was very slender and leane
after my long sicknes, he could not induce her to give
more then one hundred aspers for me, though she offered
foure hundred aspers for the other Gentleman in my
company, as the Janizare told me in the Italian tongue,
when he had intertained this discourse with her to passe
away the time in our long walke. From the foresaid
Pallace of Constantine we hired a boat for eight aspers,
A.D.
* 597 -
Master
Edward
Barton.
An old
woman's
mirth.
A.D.
1 597 -
The ship
called the
great Lion.
[I. iii. 266.]
Ann. 1597 .
Selebris.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and so by water returned to the passage Tapano, from
whence we set forth, having gone by land and water the
full circuit of the Citie, being nine miles by water, and
five by land. Thence wee returned to the Ambassadours
house, where I gave the Janizare my guide fifty aspers
for his paines.
A Venetian ship called the great Lion was now ready to
set sayle from Constantinople to Venice, which commoditie
of my speedy returne I thought good to take, and having
agreed with the Patron or Master of the ship, and being
promised by the chiefe of the Marriners (whom I had
bound unto me with some curtisies) that they would
without faile call me before they were to set sayle, I
passed the time in the sweete conversation of this worthy
Ambassadour, more securely then I should have done,
til one evening I heard a great piece of Ordinance dis-
charged, and thereupon suspected (as indeede it fell out)
that this ship ready to set sayle, gave this warning piece
to call aboard the Marriners and passengers. And so I
made all the haste I could to the water side ; but when
I came thither, saw that my labour was in vaine, the
ship being under sayle, and gone out of the Haven. My
selfe, my servant, and a Gentleman, the Ambassadours
servant, and sent by him into England with letters to the
Queene from the great Turke, being thus left behind,
presently tooke one of the Ambassadours Janizares for
our Guide, and upon the last day of Februarie (in the end
of the yeere 1596 according to the English computation,
or in the beginning of the yeere 1597, according to the
computation of most Kingdomes, beginning the yeere the
first of January) hired a boat (called Pyrame) for one
thousand Aspers to Gallipoli, in hope to overtake the
great ship sayling slowly, before it could passe the straight
of Hellespont. And the same evening in which the great
ship set sayle, wee in our little boat sayled by the shoare
of Thrace fortie miles to Selebris, a towne of Thraice,
not without great feare and farre greater danger of being
cast away. For when we found the little boate unfit to
102
FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO VENICE a.d.
i 597-
passe the great waves of the Sea (though much calmer
then other Seas), and therefore willed our Marriner to
sayle close by the shoare, he told us, that there was greater
danger from theeves upon the shoare, then from the waves
of the sea, and so easily persuaded us to imitate the
Prophet David, committing our selves rather to the hands
of God by sayling in the deepe, then into the hands of
men by coasting the shoare. When we had passed the
darke night without sleepe in this obscure harbor, the
next morning early being Tuesday, and the first of March,
we sayled twenty miles to Erylis, seated upon the same Erylis.
shore of Thracia, not without extreme danger of being
cast away, which we often and justly feared, and our
Janizare no lesse, who either for feare, or repentance of
his sins, shed abundance of teares. Erylis was of old
called Heraclea, famously knowne by having been the
seat of the Greeke Patriark and many Christian
Emperours. Here we left the boat which we had hired
at Constantinople, having found it unfit for this passage :
but howsoever wee had hired it to Gallipoli, yet the
Marriner would remit nothing of the covenanted price.
From hence to Gallipoli we hired for eight hundred aspers
a greater Barke called Cayke. The second of March,
notwithstanding the rage of the windes and the waves,
we set saile, and landed at the Hand Marmora after fiftie Marmora.
miles sayle, in which Hand I had formerly been, and to
the mention thereof formerly made, let me now adde,
that it is inhabited only with Greeks, and these Greeks
fearing lest our Janizare (after their maner) would pay
them nothing for our necessaries, and he being a yong
unexperienced man, and so not carrying himself with
such authoritie as other Janizares doe, we could not get
lodging nor diet in any house, til at last our selves promis-
ing to pay honestly for al we took, we were received into
a house (where as we were wont) we slept upon our owne
bedding, they having no convenient beds, and we paied
for two Egges one asper ; for a Caponet five and twentie
aspers ; for our fier five and twentie aspers ; and
103
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 -
for the use of the house five and twentie aspers ;
as likewise in other places where we landed, wee
paied commonly sixteene aspers or there-abouts, each
night for our lodging, and the use of the house. The
third of March wee set sayle after midnight, and having
Gallipolis. sayled sixtie miles, came before breake of day to Gallipolis,
and the same day hiring a boat with two Oares for two
hundred aspers, we passed eight and twentie miles, and
found the great ship of Venice at anchor, but not daring
to goe aboard in the night, wee slept in our little boat
fastened to the shoare, with no little inconvenience,
because it rained all night. The fourth of March we gave
the Janizare our guide three hundred twentie eight aspers
for his paines, and to beare his charges back, which was a
small sum for so great a journey. Yet after some repin-
ing he was satisfied therewith, because he served the
English Ambassadour. Then we went aboard the
Venetian ship, called the great Lion, and when I remem-
bred that the ship wherein I sailed from Venice to
Jerusalem was called the little Lion, I was stirred up to
give praise and humble thankes to the great Lion of the
Tribe of Juda, who through so many dangers preserved
mee in this voyage. This Venetian ship was forced heere
to expect the pleasure of the Turkish Searchers and
Two Castles. Customers, namely, at the two Castles upon the entrie
of the Straight of Hellespont, wherof I made mention
in my sayling from Candia to Constantinople, and in the
description of that Citie have noted them with the letters
(W) and (X). For the ships that come from Constantin-
ople, use to bee detained here some three daies, to the
end that in case they carry away private men’s slaves, the
Masters may have time to follow after them ; and in like
[I. iii. 267.] case if they carrie away any prisoners or offenders, the
publike Magistrates may have meanes to bring them
backe. Besides, these searchers and Customers looke, that
they carry no prohibited wares, neither can the ship, nor
any passenger be suffered to passe these Castles, except
they bring the Pasport of the great Turke, which the
104
FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO VENICE
A.D.
chiefe Visere or Basha useth to grant unto them. Thus
when no ship without the knowledge of the chiefe Visere
can either passe these Castles leading to the Mediteranean
Sea, or the two Castles above leading into the Euxine
Sea, noted with (D E), surely these foure Castles are the
greatest strength of Constantinople by Sea.
I said, that these Castles, where we found the Venetian
ship, are in the description of Constantinople noted with
the letters (W) and (X), and they are now commonly
called the Castles of Gallipolis : but of old that noted
with the letter (W) was called Sestos, being a Citie in
Thrace, in which the most faire Hero was borne and
dwelt ; and the other noted with the letter (X) was called
Abydos, being a Citie of Asia the lesse, in which Leander
dwelt, famous for his love to Hero, and these Castles
are divided by the Hellespont some two miles broad, at
least so narrow, as Leander is said often to have swomme
over it to his beloved Hero. The Castle of Sestos more
specially is seated in a most fertile soyle ; for Nairo, the
next adjoyning towne, yeeldes excellent Wines, and all
necessaries to sustaine life plentifully. Howsoever the
ships ought, and use to bee staied here for three daies,
yet a very faire winde blowing, and all duties being per-
formed, the Patrons of the ships by a large gift to the
Officers, sometimes obtaine leave to depart sooner. They
say, that each passenger by Pole payeth here one zechine
for tribute : but perhaps this belongs onely to Merchants,
for my selfe, my servant, and the English Gentleman in
my company, having given betweene us one zechine to
the substitutes of the Venetian Bailiffe (so their
Ambassador is called), we were dismissed upon their
motion, yet we moreover gave fortie aspers to a Janizare,
and fiftie aspers to a Chiauslar for the fees of their offices.
It being unwholsome to sleep above the hatches of the
ship at this time of the yeere (though in summer time I
made choice to sleepe so, when I sailed from Venice to
Jerusalem), we three, namely, my selfe, the English
Gentleman and my servant, gave for each of us three
I0 5
1597 -
Sestos.
Abydos.
Unwholsome
aire.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1597 -
Tenedos.
Lemnos.
Metelene.
Zio.
Smirna.
Andros.
zechines to the Pilot to be partners with him in his cabin,
which by his Office hee had proper to himselfe in the
Castle of the ship ; and to the Patron or Master of
the ship for our diet, we paid each of us after the rate
of five zechines and a halfe by the moneth, as well at Sea,
as in Harbors ; and for our passage we joyntly paid ten
ducats of Venice, (so as I still paid two parts of three in
all expences) ; besides that, wee brought with us some
hundreds of Egges, and a vessell of excellent Wine of
Palormo, which our Ambassadour at Constantinople gave
us.
Upon Monday the seventh of March (after the old
stile used in Turky by all Christians and others) in the
afternoone we set sayle, and passed the straight of Helles-
pont, and the same night sayled by the foresaid Hand of
Tenedos. This Sea is called Pontus of the adjacent
Province of Asia the lesse, named Pontus, which Province
containes Colchis (famous by the old Argonauticall
expedition), Capidocia, and Armenia. The eight of
March, early in the morning, we did see the Hand Lemnos
(famous for a kind of earth there digged, and in Latin
called Terra Sigillata) upon our right hand, and the Hands
Metelene, and Chios (now called Zio), and the Citie
Smyrna (upon the continent of Asia the lesse) upon our
left hand, (to omit Ephesus, not farre distant upon the
same continent.) And being now entred into the JEgean
Sea (now called Archipelagus of fiftie Hands standing like
Arches, and not farre distant one from the other, which
are called Cyclades, or Sporades), the ninth of March,
having now sailed eightie miles, and being to sayle by
the Hand Saint George of Skyra, the windes were so
contrary, as wee were forced to strike sayles, and lie at
hull (that is, tossed to and fro by the waves.) The same
day we set sayle, and left the Hand Andros (one of the
Cyclades) and the Hand Tyno (subject to the Venetians)
on our left hand, or towards the East, and the Hand
Negropont (lying close to the continent of Attica, and
right over against the ruines of famous Athens) on our
106
Athens.
FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO VENICE a.d.
^ 597 -
right hand, or towards the West. The tenth and eleventh
of March, wee sayled ioo miles in the same Sea full of
Hands, and sailed by the Hands Gia and Makarone. But [I. iii. 268.]
towards night contrary windes rising high, and we fearing
to bee cast upon some shoare of many adjacent Hands,
againe we struck sayle and lay at hull, tossing to and fro,
but making small or no progresse. The twelfth of March,
early in the morning, we set sayle, and sayled by the
Hand Milo (of old called Miletum), where Saint Paul
landed, Acts 20, 15), and a neere Hand Sdiles (of old
called Delos, and most famous for the Oracle of Apollo), Delos.
and the Promontory of Morea (of old called Peloponesus,
containing many Provinces of Greece), which promontory
is called Capo Malleo. The thirteenth of March, having
sayled one hundred and ninety miles, we passed by the
Hand Cerigo, not subject to the Turkes (as most of the
Hands are), but to the Venetians, who in a Castle on the
South side keepe a Garrison of souldiers. It is one of
the Cyclades, seated at the entrance of the Archipelagus
towards the South, scarce five miles distant from Morea
(the foresaid continent of Greece) and some one
hundred and fiftie miles from Candia, the chiefe Citie
of the Hand Candia, and was of old called Scotera,
also Porphoris, of that precious kind of Marble
there digged, and also Citherea, of which as her Citherea.
chiefe seate Venus is often so called. And to this
day there are seene the ruines of a Temple dedicated to
Venus, and of a Pallace belonging to Menelaus the
husband of Helena. From the thirteenth to the seven-
teenth of March, the windes were so contrary or scant,
as wee onely sayled one hundred and twenty miles, and
tooke harbour in the Hand Zante, subject to the Venetians Z ante.
(whereof I made mention in my voyage from Venice to
Jerusalem.) Here some English Merchants continually
reside, and the Haven being commodious, and most ships
that trade in these Seas using to put into this Harbor,
the goods that are diversly transported thence, are
vulgarly, but falsely, esteemed the native commodities of
107
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
* 597 -
Turkish
Pirats.
A Spanish
ship.
the Hand. It hath scarce sixtie miles in circuit, and the
Mountaines round about upon the Sea-side, inclose a
pleasant and fruitfull Plaine. The Haven is like an halfe
Moone increasing, and the chiefe Towne called Zante,
lies in a little Plaine upon the innermost part thereof in
length. The buildings of the houses are two stories high,
with a tyled, but low roofe without any windowes (accord-
ing to the building of Italy) but are poore and base for
the matter, so as the onely beautie of the Towne lies in
the Castle built at the East end upon a high Hill, being
of a large circuit, and containing many houses and
Churches within the walles thereof. In which Castle the
Governour (called il Podesta) and the other Venetian
inferiour Magistrates dwell, and give Law to the people
of that Hand.
The Turkish Pirats of Saint Mauro in Morea, having
lately set upon and taken a huge Venetian ship, did lade
seventeene of their little barques with the most pretious
goods thereof, namely, clothes of Gold, Damasks and
Grogerans, to the value of a thousand thousand zechines
(as the report went), and setting the ship on fire, tooke
away the marriners for slaves. And the very time of my
being in this Hand, seven Turkish Gallies lay upon this
coast, and robbed all the Venetian ships falling into their
hands, so as howsoever they had peace then with the
Turkish Ottoman, yet their ships durst not stirre out of
this haven. Whereupon they having now occasion to send
out ships for Corne, the Magistrate forced the Master of
an English ship then harbouring there, to waft these ships,
though much against his will, when there were some 20
Venetian ships in the same Haven, whereof divers were of
400 or 500 tuns. Also at this time it hapned, that a
Spanish ship of Catolonia was driven into this Harbor,
and the Magistrate calling our Merchants before him,
would have forced them to give caution, that the English
ships then lying there, should not assaile the same, though
betweene England & Spaine war had now long time
bin proclaimed : but they contesting against this course
108
FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO VENICE
A.D.
as injurious to them, yet could not be dismissed, till they
gave their words, that our ships should not assayle the
same by day or night, so long as it lay in this Haven.
And this Spanish ship for long time not daring to goe
forth, at last upon occasion of Venetian Gallies landing
there, was wafted by them, and so escaped. Upon the
robbing and burning of the foresaid Venetian ship by
Turkish Pyrates, the Venetian Baliffe, (so they call their
Ambassadour) lying then at Constantinople, had obtained
the Great Turkes Mandate, that these Pyrates gallies
being burnt, they should presently be sent in bonds to
his Court, and this Mandate was brought by a Chiauss,
(or Pencioner) who came in the same ship with us, where-
upon the Pyrates being more inraged against the
Venetians, did at this time take and spoyle another
Venetian ship of some foure hundred and fifty Tunnes,
called the Sylvester, and not content with the most rich
booty, did cast into the Sea many Marriners yeelding to
mercy, and could hardly be perswaded by the intercession
of Turkes passengers in the same ship, to spare the lives
of some twenty chiefe Marriners yet alive, and to forbeare
the burning of the ship. The Italians of best judgement,
did not expect that the great Turke would duly punish
these outrages, but rather were of opinion that himselfe
and his chiefe Visere would draw the greatest part of the
prey to their own hands, and that the Turkish Governours
inticed by like participation, would endevour to free these
Pyrates, and doe their best to nourish them, yea, that
this very Chiauss now sent with a Mandate to suppresse
them, would be induced by bribes, to returne to Con-
stantinople, with relation that the Pyrates could not be
found, so they did (as no doubt they would) for a time
hide themselves, and in conclusion, that the Venetians
after having spent much money in obtaining new Man-
dates for their apprehension, should find no other remedy,
but to repell force by force.
Upon Wednesday the thirtieth of March, (after the
old stile) in the beginning of the yeere 1597, we set sayle,
109
1 597 *
[I. iii. 269.]
Another
Venetian ship
taken by the
Pyrates.
March 30.
Ann. 1597.
A.D.
1 597 *
Cefalonia.
Corfu.
Corfu a Keye
of Christen-
doms.
Raguza.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
but by contrarietie of winds, were againe driven backe
into the Haven of Zante. Upon Friday the first of Aprill
after dinner, againe we set saile, and the second of Aprill
sayling by the Hand of Cefalonia, (whereof I spake in
our voyage from Venice to Jerusalem), we cast anchor in
the outward Haven of the Hand Corfu, because the
Master of our ship was sicke, and this his sickenesse
increasing, we set saile to returne backe to the chiefe
City of that Hand, the Haven whereof we entered the
sixth of Aprill. From Zante to Cefalonia are seventy
miles, and from thence to Corfu are 120 miles.
This Hand Corfu inhabited by Greekes is very fertile,
yeelding plenty of fruites, corne, wines, and Currands,
and this Haven is fortified with two Forts cut out off
a Rocke, namely, the old and the new Fort, (which is
more then a mile in circuit), both being very strong and
held unexpugnable, so as this Hand is worthily reputed
one of the chiefe Keyes of Christendome. The Master
of our ship having recovered his health, wee set saile upon
Tuesday the twelfth of Aprill, and returned againe to
the foresaid outward Haven of Corfu Hand, where an old
woman a passenger died, and her kinsemen carried her
body to be buried on Land. Here againe we were forced
to stay, the winds being contrary.
At last upon the nineteenth of Aprill towards evening,
with a faire wind we joyfully set saile, and the twentieth
day we sailed over the streight Sea, betweene Greece and
the Province of Apulia in Italy. Upon Friday the two
and twentieth of Aprill towards the evening, having sayled
some two hundred miles from the said streight, we were
carried by the shoare of the City Raguza, with a faire
gale of wind, and had the wind beene never so contrary,
yet our Master knowing some late difference risen
betweene the Raguzeans and Venetians, would not
willingly have landed in that Flaven. The blame of
which difference some imputed to the Raguzeans, in that
they favoured the Scocchi, a Neighbour people upon the
shoare of Sclavonia, who being subject to the Emperour
I IO
COMMENTS UPON RAGUSA
A.D.
and Christians, yet robbed all kinds of ships passing these
Seas, and had lately spoiled and burnt a Venetian Gaily in
the Port of Rovingo. But other alleaged a more probable
cause thereof, namely, that some Venetian Gentlemen for
some venerious insolencies there committed, had lately
beene slaine in a tumult. Raguza of old called Epidaurus,
and the chiefe City of Sclavonia, is foure hundred miles
distant from Venice, built at the foot of an high mountaine,
upon the Sea shoare, and hath great trafficke by those
Seas, and huge ships, which the Kings of Spaine have
often hired and joined to their Navy. The governement
is popular, and this City to the wonder of many, doth to
this day maintaine the liberty, though it be seated
betweene the very jawes of the two powerfull States of
the great Turke and Venetians, to one of which all other
neere Townes Hands and Countries are subject. For the
Venetians are loath to drive them being Christians to such
despaire, as they might be forced to yeeld themselves to
the great Turke, and the City is very strongly fortified
towards the sea, whence the Venetians can onely assaile
them : besides, that they pay great customes of their
trafficke to the State of Venice, for which reason that
State attempts nothing against the freedome of the City.
Againe, the Turkes knowing that if they should besiege
the City by Land, the Citizens would with all their best
moveables flie into Italy by Sea, and receiving also a
great yeerely tribute from the trafficke of this City, (where
the great Turke hath his owne Officer called Chiaussagha
to gather the same,) are also content not to molest them
by warre, especially since they know that the Pope, the
King of Spaine, and the State of Venice, would assist the
Raguzeans against them, and no way indure that the
Turkish Ottoman should make himselfe Lord of that
Haven.
Upon the three and twenty of Aprill towards evening,
we sayled by the little Hand Augusta, (being yet of a good
large circuit, and populous, and subject to the Raguzeans,
but the Coast is dangerous for ships arrivall, by reason
U97-
The governe-
ment of
Raguza.
[I. iii. 270.]
The Hand
Augusta.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 -
of the Rockes called the Augustines,) and by the little
Hand Corsolari. Some Hands in this Sea are subject to
the Raguzeans, and some neere to the Northerne
continent, have the Great Turke for their Lord, but the
rest are subject to the Venetians, and are very many in
number, but little, and good part of them little or not
at all inhabited. The Italians our consorts, told us of
Pelaguxa. an Hand not farre distant, called Pelaguza, and lying neere
the continent of Italy, upon the Coast whereof the famous
Turkish Pyrate of Algier, (a Haven in Africa) was lately
wont to hover and lie hidden, and made rich booties of
the Venetian and Italian Merchants. Upon Sunday the
foure and twenty of Aprill, we had in sight, and little
distant, the little Hands, Catza and Lissa, and in the
afternoone on our left hand towards Italy the Hand Porno,
and in the evening towards Dalmatia, two Hands, and
upon the continent the City Zaga, being some two
hundred miles distant from Venice. And the night
following we sailed over an arme of the Sea some thirty
miles broade, lying betweene Dalmatia and Istria, called
11 Cornaro. II Cornaro, which we passed without any appearance of
danger, though otherwise it be generally reputed so
dangerous, as the Venetians offended with any Marriner,
use this imprecation ; Maledetto sia il Cornaro che t’ ha
lasciato passare ; that is : Cursed be the Cornaro for
letting thee passe. Upon Monday the five and twenty
of Aprill, as we sailed by the Coast of Istria, one of the
Marriners aged, and (as we thought) honest, and of some
authority among the rest, privately admonished me, that
I should safely locke up our goods in our chests, lest the
inferior Marriners should steale our shirts, or any other
thing they found negligently left, which they used to doe,
especially at the end of any voyage. Upon Tuesday the
sixe and twenty of April, we cast anchor beyond Pola, in
the continent of Istria, a City now ruined, and upon the
Rovingo. seven and twenty day we entred the Haven of Rovingo
in Istria, subject to the Venetians, where the ships use to
take a Pilot for their owne safety, or els are tied so to doe
I 12
FROM RAGUSA TO VENICE
by some old priviledge of that City. Here the Provisors
for health gave us liberty of free conversation, (as they
had formerly done at Zante), seeing no man in our ship
to be sicke or sickely. And I did not a little wonder,
when I observed each second or third person of this City
to halt and be lame of one foot, which made me remember
the Citizens of Islebe in Germany, and in the Province
of Saxony, where almost all the men have wry neckes ;
whereof I knew the cause, namely because they used
daily to dig in mines, with their neckes leaning on one
side : but of this common lamenes of the Inhabitants in
Rovingo, I could not learne any probable cause, except it
were the foule disease of lust, raigning in those parts,
which I rather thought likely, because the lamenesse was
common to weomen as men.
Now the sayling in our great ship was like to be more
troublesome, dangerous, and slow, whereupon five of us
joyning together, did upon the thirtieth of Aprill (after
the old stile) hier a boate of sixe Oares, for seven Venetian
Duckets to Venice, where we arrived the next day towards
evening, and staied in our boat upon the wharfe of the
Market place of Saint Marke, till the Provisors of health
sitting in their Office neere that place, came unto us, and
after some conference, understanding that we and our
ship were free of all infection or sicknesse, gave us free
liberty of conversation. Wee staied three dayes at
Venice to refresh our selves, and paied each man three
lyres for each meale in a Dutch Inne.
Then having received money of a Merchant, I went
to the Village Mestre, and there bought of Dutchmen
newly arrived in Italy, two horses for my selfe and my
man, the one for thirtie, the other for twentie ducates.
These horses I sold at Stode in Germany after my journey
ended, at, or about the same rate. He that hath the
Dutch tongue, and either knowes the waies of Germany
himselfe, or hath consorts skilfull therein, being to travell
from Stode, or those parts into Italy, shall finde more
profit in buying a horse in those parts of Germany, for
M. II 1 13 H
A.D.
* 597 -
Lame
Rovingians.
Venice.
[I. iii. 271.
Profit in the
Dutch
Tongue.
A.D.
1 597 •
Charges in
Italy.
Charges in
Germany.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
so hee shall save great summes usually paid for coches,
and at the journies end, or rather by the way towards
the ende of his journey, may in Italy sell his horses with
good profit. In the Village Mestre, each of us paid each
meale fiftie soldi, that is, two lires and a halfe.
From hence we took the right way to Augsburg in
Germany, to Nurnberg, Brunswick, and to Stode, an old
Citie lying on the Northern Sea of Germany. The
particulars of which journey I here omit, having in my
journey to Jerusalem passed the very same way from Stode
to Venice.
So as it shall suffice to adde some few things in generall.
Within the confines of Italy, each man of us paid for each
meale fortie, and sometimes fiftie Venetian soldi, and for
hay and stable for his horse commonly at noone foure
soldi, at night twelve soldi, and for ten measures of oates
given each day to each horse fiftie soldi.
After we entred Germany, each man paid each meale
commonly twenty creitzers, at Inspruch twentie foure, and
somtimes twentie six creitzers, for hay six creitzers a
day, or there-abouts, and for ten measures of oates, serv-
ing one horse for a day wee paid fiftie creitzers. In the
middle Provinces of Germany, each of us paid for each
meale commonly sixteene creitzers, that is, foure batzen,
and in the parts upon the Northerne sea some foure
Lubeck shillings. And from the Citie Armstat (seated
betweene Augsburg and Nurnberg) to the said Northern
sea side, we had a new measure of oates called Hembd,
one of which measures was sold for some tenne Lubeck
shillings, and served three horses for our baite at noone,
and another was almost sufficient for them at night.
From Stode seated upon the German Sea, we passed
in a boat to the outmost Haven, where wee went abroad
an English ship upon the fourth of July (after the old
stile) being Tuesday. The sixt of July early in the
morning we set sayle, and the eight of July we came upon
the most wished land of England, and cast anchor neere
Orford, a Castle in Suffolke. Upon Saturday the ninth
114
FROM VENICE TO LONDON
A.D.
of July (after the old stile) we landed at Gravesend, and
without delay with the night-tide passed in a boat to
London, where we arived on Sunday at foure of the
clock in the morning, the tenth of July, in the yeere
1597, our hearts being full of joy, that our mercifull God
had safely brought us thither. This early hower of the
morning being unfit to trouble my friends, I went to the
Cocke (an Inne of Aldersgate streete) and there apparrelled
as I was, laid me downe upon a bed, where it happened,
that the Constable and watchmen (either being more
busie in their office then need was, or having extraordinary
charge to search upon some foraine intelligence, and seeing
me apparrelled like an Italian) tooke me for a Jesuit or
Priest (according to their ignorance ; for the crafty Priests
would never have worne such clothes as I then did.) But
after some few howers when I awaked, and while I washed
my hands, did inquire after my friends health, dwelling
in the same streete, the Host of the house knowing me,
dismissed the watchmen that lay to apprehend me, and
told me how I had been thus mistaken.
Chap. V.
Of the journey through England, Scotland, and
Ireland.
E that desires to see the Cities and
Antiquities of England, Scotland and
Ireland, let him reade the Chapter of the
usuall manner of all kingdomes to
journey, and to hire Coches and horses,
and also the Chapter, wherein these King-
domes are Geographically described out
of Camden, or if he list, rather let him reade Camden
himselfe of this point : and lastly let him in the same last
named Chapter peruse the diet of these Kingdomes, and
the entertainement in Innes. Touching the distances of
places by miles : first, for England he shall easily find
1597 -
July 10,
an. 1597 .
The
Constable' s
errour.
[I. iii. 272
Camden.
A.D.
U97-
Places
worthy of
observation.
Sir Francis
Drake' s Ship.
Aprill ,
Anno, i 598.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
a little printed booke particularly setting downe the same.
For Scotland I will briefley set downe my journey therein.
And for Ireland, the Cities being rare and farre distant,
hee must have a guide, who may without great trouble
inquire them out. Onely give me leave for the helpe
of strangers to adde this one thing, namely, how they
being curious to search antiquities, and loth to omit the
sight of things worthy of observation, may to this purpose
best dispose of their journies, which all other men may
fit to their endes and purposes. First, let them passe
out of Normandy to Rhye, an English Haven in Sussex,
then let them visit such of the five Kentish Ports as they
please, let them see Canterbury, famous for the Seate of
the Metropolitan Archbishop ; then the Castle of Quin-
borrough, in the Hand of Sheppey, and the Regall Navy ;
then let them passe by Rochester (a Bishops Seate), the
Regall Pallace at Greenewich, and Depford the Navall
storehouse, and not farre thence see the broken ribbes
of the ship, wherein famous Sir Francis Drake compassed
the World, and so let them come to London. When
they have viewed the Monuments of London and West-
minster, and seene the Kings Court, they may take a
cursory journey to view such antiquities in Middlesex,
Surry, and Barkshire, as upon the reading of Camden
they shall most desire to see, and especially all, or the
chiefe Pallaces of the King. Againe, from London they
may take a cursory journey to see the University of
Oxford, and so by Worcester returne to London. In
their journey to the confines of England and Scotland,
they may see the Universitie of Cambridge, and view the
most choise antiquities mentioned by Master Camden in
Harfordshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolnsheire, Yorke-
shire, Durham and Northumberland.
My selfe upon occasion of businesse in the month of
Aprill, and the yeere 1598, tooke a journey to these said
confines, namely, to Barwick, a Towne then very strongly
fortified by the English, to restraine the sudden incursions
of the Scots, and abounding with all things necessary for
116
COMMENTS UPON SCOTLAND
food, yea with many dainties, as Salmons and all kindes
of shell-fish, so plentifully, as they were sold for very
small prices. And here I found that for the lending of
sixtie pound, there wanted not good Citizens, who would
give the lender a faire chamber and good dyet, as long as
he would lend them the mony. Being to returne from
Barwicke, I had an earnest desire, first, to see the King
of Scots Court. So from hence I rode in one day fortie
miles to Edenborrow the chiefe Citie of that Kingdome.
And in this said daies journey after foure miles riding
I came to Aton, a Village where the Lord of Humes
dwelles, whose Family was powerfull in those parts.
After sixteene miles more I came to Dunbar, which they
said to have been of old a Towne of some importance,
but then it lay ruined, and seemed of little moment, as
well for the povertie, as the small number of inhabitants.
After the riding of eight miles more, on the left hand
towards the West, and something out of the high way,
the pleasant Village of Hadrington lay, which the English,
in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, tooke, and kept against
the French, who drawne over in the time of faction, kept
the Towne of Dunbar, and fortified the same. When I
had ridden five miles further, I came to the ancient and
(according to the building of that Kingdome) stately
Pallace of the L. Seton, beautified with faire Orchards
and Gardens, and for that clime pleasant. Not farre
thence lyes the Village Preston-graung, belonging to the
Family of the Cars, powerfull from these parts to the
very borders of England within land. After I had ridden
three miles more, I came to the Village Fisherawe, neere
which beyond a Brooke lyes the Village Musselborrow in a
stony soyle, famous for a great Victorie of the English
against the Scots. On the left hand towards the West,
and something out of the high way, the Queene of Scots
then kept her Court (in the absence of the King) at the
Village Dawkeith, in a Pallace belonging to the Earle
of Murray.
From the said Village Fishrawe, I rode the rest of the
117
A.D.
.1 59 8
Aton.
Hadrington.
[L iii. 273.]
Fisherawe.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1598 .
way, being foure miles, and so in one dayes journey (as
Edenborow. I said) came to Edenborow, seated in Lodovey, (of old
called Pictland) the most civill Region of Scotland, being
hilly and fruitfull of corne, but having little or no wood.
This City is the seat of the King of Scotland, and the
Courts of Justice are held in the same. Of old according
to the changeable fortune of warre, it was sometimes in
the possession of the Scots, sometimes of the English
inhabiting this Easterne part of Scotland, till the English
Kingdome being shaken with the invasions of the Danes,
at last about the yeere 960. it became wholly in the
power of the Scots. This City is high seated, in a fruit-
full soyle and wholsome aire, and is adorned with many
Noblemens Towers lying about it, and aboundeth with
many springs of sweet waters. At the end towards the
East, is the Kings Pallace joyning to the Monastery of
the Holy Crosse, which King David the first built, over
which, in a Parke of Hares, Conies, and Deare, an high
mountaine hangs, called the chaire of Arthur, (of Arthur
the Prince of the Britanes, whose monuments famous
among all Ballad-makers, are for the most part to be found
on these borders of England and Scotland.) From the
Kings Pallace at the East, the City still riseth higher and
higher towards the West, and consists especially of one
broad and very faire street, (which is the greatest part
and sole ornament thereof), the rest of the side streetes
and allies being of poore building and inhabited with
very poore people, and this length from the East to the
West is about a mile, whereas the bredth of the City
from the North to the South is narrow, and cannot be
halfe a mile. At the furthest end towards the West, is
The Castle, a very strong Castle, which the Scots hold unexpugnable.
Camden saith this Castle was of old called by the Britaines,
Castle meyned agned ; by the Scots, The Castle of the
Maids or Virgines, (of certaine Virgines kept there for the
Kings of the Piets), and by Ptolomy the winged Castle.
And from this Castle towards the West, is a most steepe
Rocke pointed on the highest top, out of which this
118
The
mountaine
called the
chaire of
Arthur.
COMMENTS UPON EDINBURGH
Castle is cut : But on the North & South sides without
the wals, lie plaine and fruitfull fields of Corne. In the
midst of the foresaid faire streete, the Cathedrall Church
is built, which is large and lightsome, but little stately
for the building, and nothing at all for the beauty and
ornament. In this Church the Kings seate is built some
few staires high of wood, and leaning upon the pillar next
to the Pulpit : And opposite to the same is another seat
very like it, in which the incontinent use to stand and doe
pennance ; and some few weekes past, a Gentleman, being
a stranger, and taking it for a place wherein Men of better
quality used to sit, boldly entred the same in Sermon
time, till he was driven away with the profuse laughter
of the common sort, to the disturbance of the whole
Congregation. The houses are built of unpolished stone,
and in the faire streete good part of them is of free
stone, which in that broade streete would make a faire
shew, but that the outsides of them are faced with wooden
galleries, built upon the second story of the houses ; yet
these galleries give the owners a faire and pleasant
prospect, into the said faire and broad street, when they
sit or stand in the same. The wals of the City are built
of little and unpolished stones, and seeme ancient, but
are very narrow, and in some places exceeding low, in
other, ruined.
From Edenborow there is a ditch of water, (yet not
running from the Inland, but rising of springs) which is
carried to Lethe, and so to the Sea. Lethe is seated
upon a creek of the Sea, called the Frith, some mile from
Edenborow, and hath a most commodious and large
Haven. When Monsieur Dessy a Frenchman, did
fortifie Lethe, for the strength of Edenborow, it began
of a base Village to grow to a Towne. And when the
French King Francis the second had married Mary
Queene of the Scots : againe the French, (who now had
in hope devoured the possession of that Kingdome, and
in the yeere 1560. began to aime at the conquest of
England) more strongly fortified this Towne of Lethe :
A.D.
1598 .
The
Cathedrall
Church.
The houses.
Lethe.
[I. iii. 274.]
A.D.
! 598 .
King-Korn in
Fife.
Falkeiand.
Saint
Andrewes.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
but Elizabeth Queene of England, called to the succour
of the Lords of Scotland against these Frenchmen, called
in by the Queene, soone effected that the French returned
into their Countrey, and these fortifications were
demolished.
From Leth I crossed over the Frith, (which ebs and
flowes as high as Strivelin) to the Village King-korn, being
eight miles distant, and seated in the Region or Country
called Fife, which is a peninsule, that is, almost an Hand,
lying betweene two creekes of the Sea, called Frith and
Taye, and the Land yeelds corne and pasture and sea-
coales, as the Seas no lesse plentifully yeeld (among other
fish,) store of oysters & shel fishes, and this Countrey is
populous, and full of Noblemens and Gentlemens
dwellings commonly compassed with little groves, though
trees are so rare in those parts, as I remember not to have
seene one wood.
From the said Village King-korn, I rode ten very
long miles to Falkeiand, then the Kings House for hunt-
ing, but of old belonging to the Earles of Fife, where I
did gladly see James the sixth King of the Scots, at that
time lying there to follow the pastimes of hunting and
hawking, for which this ground is much commended ;
but the Pallace was of old building and almost ready to
fall, having nothing in it remarkeable. I thought to
have ridden from hence to Saint Andrewes a City, seated
in Fife, and well known as an University, and the seate
of the Archbishop : But this journey being hindred,
I wil onely say, that the Bishop of Saint Andrewes, at
the intercession of the King of Scotland James the third,
was by the Pope first made Primate of all Scotland, the
same Bishop and all other Bishops of that Kingdome
having formerly to that day beene consecrated and con-
firmed by the Archbishop of Yorke in England. Like-
wise I purposed to take my journey as farre as Strivelin,
where the King of the Scots hath a strong Castle, built
upon the front of a steepe Rocke, which King James the
sixth since adorned with many buildings, and the same
120
COMMENTS UPON SCOTLAND
hath for long time beene committed to the keeping of
the Lords of Eriskin, who likewise use to have the keeping
of the Prince of Scotland, being under yeeres. And from
thence I purposed to returne to Edenborow, but some
occasions of unexpected businesse recalled me speedily
into England, so as I returned presently to Edenborow,
and thence to Barwicke, the same way I came.
I adde for passengers instruction, that they who desire
to visit the other Counties of England and Ireland, may
passe from Edenborow to Carlile, chiefe City of Comber-
land in England, and so betweene the East parts of
Lancashire and the West parts of Yorke, and then through
Darbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Warwickeshire, Stafford-
shire, and Chesshire, may take their journey to the City
Westchester, whence they shall have commodity to passe
the Sea to Dublin in Ireland, and while they expect this
passage, they may make a cursory journey into Flintshire,
and Caernarvonshire in Northwales, to see the antiquities
thereof, or otherwise may goe directly to Holy Head,
and thence make a shorter cut to Dublyn in Ireland.
From Dublyn they may passe to see the Cities of the
Province Mounster, whence they may commodiously
passe to the South parts of Wales, and there especially
see the antiquities of Merlyn, and so taking their journey
to the West parts of England, may search the antiquities
of these severall Counties, and easily find commoditie to
passe into the West parts of France : And all this circuit
beginning at London, may (with ordinary favourable winds
according to the season of the yeere) be easily made, from
the beginning of March, to the end of September. Alwaies
I professe onely to prescribe this course, to such as are
curious to search all the famous monuments and antiquities
of England, mentioned in Camdens compleat description
thereof.
A.D.
1 598 .
Sniveling.
Journeys
through
England.
Ireland.
Wales.
[Chap. VI.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1617.
[I. iii. 275.]
The
Travellers
most
commodious
course.
The exporting
of money
restrained.
Chap. VI.
Of the manner to exchange Moneys into forraine
parts, and the divers moneys of divers parts,
together with the divers measures of miles in
sundry Nations, most necessary for the under-
standing of the former journall.
He Travellers most commodious course,
is to deliver into the hands of some
Merchant those kinds of gold or silver
coynes, which are of greatest value in
those parts to which he takes his journey,
with covenant to deliver him by his Factor
the same, both in the Species or kind,
and in the number, or to send them in that sort to him
by a trusty messenger. But the first course is not in
use, besides that, it is a difficult taske, to find such divers
kinds in any particular place, except it be from the
Exchangers and Usurers, who use not to serve another
mans turne for profit or otherwise, without their owne
gaine ; and being most expert in such affaires, are like
to draw all the hoped profit to themselves. And the
second course threatens many dangers, by robberies, by
confiscations of the transmitted Coynes, and by the doubt-
full credit of the messengers. Particularly in England and
France, he that is knowne to carry great summes of money
about him, shall runne great danger to be robbed, and in
England the Law forbids any Traveller upon paine of
confiscation, to carry more money about him out of the
Kingdome, then will serve for the expences of his journey,
(namely, above twenty pounds sterling). As likewise in
France, the like Law restraines the exporting of money,
allowing an Horseman from Lyons to Rome, eighty crownes,
from Turine to Rome fifty, and no more, for his expences ;
all greater summes found about him, being subject to
confiscation : yet I confesse that many wary Travellers
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
have exported greater summes out of England into
France, and out of France into England ; and thereby
with these hazards, have made great gaine : But upon the
confines of Italy, and the severall principalities thereof,
yea, at the gates of each City in Italy, most crafty Officers
so curiously search into the breach of these Paenall
Statutes, and so narrowly prie into all mens carriage,
never wincking at any delinquent, as there is no hope
upon breach of the Law to escape the penalty : for these
searchers are tied to more strict attention in this businesse,
that (according to their Office) they may beware least their
Princes be defrauded of their Tributes. And since very
Jewels, and the least toyes 'carried about passengers, are
subject to frequent Tributes (according to the frequent
Principalities) these good fellowes leave nothing unassaied,
in the wished discovery of these fraudes, yea, where they
have no just suspition of fraud ; yet cease they not to
trouble passengers in this kind, till they have extorted
some bribe or gift from them. Behold here a two horned
danger, (as I may tearme it of the captious argument,
called Dilemma) which travellers cannot possibly escape
in Italy, who carry about them Jewels or great summes
of money, where they are in danger of confiscation, if
they hide them warily, and of theeves, if they shew them,
and pay due tributes for them. For theeves (namely,
men banished for notorious crimes) lie continually upon
the confines of Princes (very frequent in Italy), and more
specially of the Kingdome of Naples and of the Popes
territory. In Germany, Bomerland, Sweitzerland, the
Low-Countreys, Denmarke, Poland, and Turkey,
passengers may carry summes of money about them with
more security, neither have I there observed any great
danger therein, so that the passenger affect not solitari-
nesse, and be so wary as not to boast of his plenty.
Touching the divers kinds of Coynes to be transported,
I forewarne the Reader, that the gold Coynes of England
and of France, and aswell the silver as gold Coynes of
Spaine, are in generall spent abroad with greatest gaine :
123
A.D.
1617.
Jewels subject
to Tributes.
Dangers of
Confiscation
and theeves.
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1617.
but even the gold and silver Coynes of other Princes,
are rarely currant out of their owne Dominions, and can
[I. iii. 276.] hardly be exchanged among Merchants without some
losse. Againe, that hee who exports any gold coynes,
must take care to have them of just weight, for such hee
may disburse with gaine, but shall beare losse in others
that are lighter, because they want the helpe of their
Princes Prerogative, where no man can be forced to
receive them. Now I wil briefly shew, which kinds of
foraine coines are most valued in divers states. In
England the gold and silver coynes of Spaine and French
Crownes are highly valued. In Scotland the same coynes,
and as well in Scotland as Ireland ; moreover, the gold
and silver coynes of England are valued. For Germany :
at Stode the English angels, and all the gold coynes of
Value of England, France and Spaine are most esteemed : but if
foraine coines. y OU p asse j nto th e U pp er parts of Germany, you must
for your expences there change these coynes at Stode into
the Rhenish gold guldens, and silver dollers of Germany.
But at Vienna and the confines of Hungary, the Hun-
garian ducats are most currant. In Bohmerland the
Rheinish gold guldens, the silver dollers of Germany, and
the Hungarian ducats. In Sweitzerland, first, the French
Crownes of gold, then the gold guldens and silver dollers
of Germany. In Denmarke the silver and gold coynes of
England. At Dantzk in Prussen, and throughout all
Poland, the gold coynes of England, and the gold guldens
and silver dollers of Germany, and especially Hungarian
ducats. In France upon the Sea coasts, the Angels and
gold coynes of England are currant : but for your journey
further into the land, you must change them into French
Crownes, and the silver coynes of that Kingdome, and
the gold coynes of Spaine are very currant in all the
Cities even within the land. In the Low Countries, all
coynes are currant, they being most cunning exchangers,
and wanting many things, yet drawing to them abundance
of all forraine commodities, so as they have skill to draw
gold out of the dung (as he said of Ennius.) Yet they
124
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
most esteeme the coynes of England, Spaine, and France.
In Turkey the gold zechines of Venice are most currant,
and preferred even before their owne Sultanones of gold.
The coynes after them most esteemed and to be spent
with most gaine, are the silver ryals of Spaine (which the
Italians call Pezzi d 5 otto, and Pezzi di quattro, pieces
of eight, and pieces of foure, and the Turks call piastri,
and halfe piastri.) In Italy generally the gold coynes of
Spaine are spent with most advantage. In the next place,
and more particularly at Venice and Naples the French
Crownes are esteemed, but in Italy more then any other
place ; you must have care they be of just weight. In
generall, all gold coynes may be put away with gayne at
Venice, but they being in other parts of Italy lesse valued,
or not currant, hee that travels higher, must change them
there into silver Crownes of Italy, and least the weight
of them should be burthensome, and he should chance to
fall into the hands of theeves (called Banditi, banished
men), he shall do well to carry no more about him then
will suffice for the expences of his journey, and to deliver
the rest to some Venetian Merchant of credit, taking his
bils of exchange, or letters, by which he may receive them
in any other Citie or Cities, as his occasions require.
But in respect of the foresaid difficulties to export
coynes in specie, that is, in the kinde, the Traveller shall
doe better who takes the second and most usuall course,
taking care to have his moneys delivered to the exchangers
(or Merchants) by the hands of some trustie friend, to be
exchanged over (according to the exchange variable in
respect of the time, and the place to which it is to bee
made) and sent to him in forraine parts for his expence
(by severall sums, and at set times of the yeere.) This
exchange is so variable upon many usuall accidents, as a
constant manner of so unconstant a thing cannot be pre-
scribed. But the rate & course therof may be inquired in
the Burse (or publike meeting place for the Merchants.)
For the alteration thereof is weekely made knowne
particularly to the Merchants, that by letters they presently
I2 5
A.D.
1617.
Value of
foraine coir.es.
Exchange of
moneys.
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1617.
may certifie the same to their severall Facters beyond the
Alteration of Seas. Now this daily alteration of the exchange commeth,
the Exchange, partly of the quantitie of moneys for the present to be
exchanged to the Princes or Merchants uses, and of the
greater or lesser number of those that desire moneys in
exchange. For when small summes are to be exchanged,
either by the Prince for payment of his Army, or by the
Merchants for their traffick, and when many desire moneys
upon exchange, then the rate thereof is raised, and the
[I. iii. 277.] Traveller loseth more thereby, as on the contrary, the
rates are abased, and so the traveller gaines by his
exchange. But a farre greater cause of this alteration,
is the change of the moneys value by the Princes Edicts.
Thus at Antwerp (in our memory) when an English
Angell of gold was worth twelve Belgick shillings and
eight pence, then hee that in London paid twentie English
Flemish shillings, received at Antwerp five and twentie Belgick
Exchanges. shillings and foure pence. But at this time when the
said Angel was at Antwerp worth five Belgick or Flemish
guldens and two blancks (that is, seventeene Belgick
shillings, wanting a stiver), he that at London paid twentie
English shillings, received at Antwerp foure and thirtie
Belgick shillings wanting two stivers. And this divers
valuation of the Angel (as of other coynes) seemes to
proceede of this Flemish custome, that when the united
Provinces have great store of any coyne in their coffers,
then they raise the value thereof, that they may issue
it with advantage in the payment of their Army ; and
when the same coynes are to be brought into their coffers
by tributes and taxes, then they in like sort use to decry
them, that the State may also receive them with advantage.
For howsoever this raising and decrying of moneys by
publike Edict, savoureth of tyranny, yet the necessitie
of the united Provinces affaires in their long and
dangerous civill warres, or the hidden skill they have to
make gaine of all things with an unseene, and so lesse
felt oppression of the common people, hath made this
course ordinary among the Flemings, which to al other
126
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
subjects is offensive in high degree. Yet howsoever a
certaine value of moneys cannot be set downe, not-
withstanding the value of English Angels, and gold
coynes of Spaine, France, and Germany is more
constant then of others, and subject to little increase
or decrease. And (to say truth) howsoever this
alteration may oppresse the subject, yet it imports little
to travellers, whether forraine coynes be raised or decryed,
since the prices of al things necessary to life, answere in
due proportion to the present valuation of moneys, and
use to be changed as the value of money is altered. But
to make the manner of exchanges more manifest, by one
example conjecture of the rest. English Merchants tak-
ing money to be exchanged, doe give the traveller, or
his friend for him, three severall billes of exchange for
the same money, for his better securitie to receive it, yet
in each of them inserting a caution, that onely one be
paid. Of these three bills the traveller useth to retaine
one with himselfe, and to take order that the other two
be sent before him by severall messengers to the
Merchants Factor, who received his money and gave him
these billes for it. Or in the Travellers absence, his
friend receiving these billes, sends them all by severall
messengers to him living beyond the Seas. And to
avoide all fraudes, I advise the traveller to have his billes
so made, as the Species, or kinde of money be therein
named, in which the Factor is to pay him in forraine parts,
and the number of the pieces in that kind, and the just
waight of the coyne (as the Italians for French Crownes
write, Scudi d’ oro in oro del Sole.) And because the
Factors use to delay and put off the paiment of these
billes ; first, lest they should object, that they know you
not to be the man, except you prove it by the testimony
of countrimen, who in all places are not to bee found, or
may perhaps be unknowne to you, and you to them as to
the Merchant, you shall doe well besides these billes of
exchange, to send the Merchants letters to his Factor,
expressing the most rare markes of your body, by which
127
A.D.
1617.
Billes of
Exchange.
A.D.
1617.
Advice to
travellers.
[I. iii. 278.]
Usance.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
you may be made knowne to him, together with caution,
that your money bee paid to no other then your selfe,
lest any deceive you, and receive it in your name, having
by fraude or violence gotten one of your three billes,
and arriving at the place before you. Moreover, since
travellers use to remove twice in the yeere from one
Citie or Countrey to another, namely, at the Spring and
at the Fall of the leafe, lest your billes of exchange should
negligently bee sent, or slowly come to your hands, and so
you be forced to leese the season of the yeere most fit
for taking of journeys, take order that the money you are
to use at the fall of the leafe in Italy, bee sent by billes
from England at the Spring, or if you be in nearer places,
that it bee sent three, or at least two moneths before the
time you are to use it. And lest the Factor should pro-
tract paiment, let it be expressed in your bill that the
money be paid upon sight. Our Merchants write their
bils of exchange for neere places in 4 kinds, namely, to
bee paid, at sight, at usance, at halfe usance, and at double
usance ; which word usance being not English, I take to
be borrowed of the Italian word usanza, signifying a
manner or custome. The word (at sight) imports present
payment ; at halfe usance a fortnight after the date ; at
usance, a moneth ; at double usance, two moneths. And
thus to him that goes from London to Hamburg in
Germany, it is all one, whether his bill of exchange be
paid at sight, or at halfe usance, since hee can hardly
arrive there in lesse space then a fortnight. But touching
the exchange from London to Venice farther distant, by
the word usance three moneths are signified, and by double
usance six moneths. The Turks Empier is so farre
distant, and the journeys are so uncertaine, as our
Merchants use no certaine rate of exchange thither, neither
indeed use they to give any billes of exchange, but onely
letters of credit, to receive set summes of money, or at
large, as much as the traveller shall want, (of which third
kinde of receiving money in forraine parts, I shall here-
after speake.) By the foresaid billes of exchange, accord-
128
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
Ing to the foresaid opportunities, the traveller commonly
loseth, and sometimes gaineth. For my selfe am
familiarly acquainted with a Merchant, who tooke up one
hundred pounds at London, to be paid by his Factor at
Stode in Germany, which Factor againe tooke up the
same hundred pounds at Stode, to be paid by his Master
at London, and at foure moneths end, he paied the same,
having by these bils of exchange made use there of all
this time, without one penny losse. But in generall,
when great quantitie of money is to bee made over to
any place from London, the traveller shall lose after five
in the hundred by the yeere ; and when small quantitie
is to bee made over, he shall lose after the rate of fifteene
in the hundred by the yeere, and ordinarily he shall lose
about the rate of ten in the hundred by the yeere.
By reason of the aforesaid uncertaintie in receiving
money by billes of exchange, as well by the slow sending
of them, as by the delay which Factors use to make in
paying them, as also by the usuall negligence of the
travellers friend, who is to make over his mony, or by his
want of ready mony at the time, I say for this uncertaintie,
lest the traveller should lose the season of the yeere fit to
take journeys, by the expecting of his mony, a third
course of receiving mony in forraine parts hath growne
in use, namely, that the traveller should take with him
letters of credit, from some Merchant of great trade to
his Factor, to furnish him from place to place of money,
either according to his want, or for a certaine yeerely
summe. I confesse it is a more frugall course, that he
should first pay his money at home, and after receive it
beyond the Seas, then that he should first receive it there,
and after repay it at home : but I would advise him to
make over his money after the foresaid manner by billes
of Exchange, and withall to carry these letters of credit
for abundant caution of all events, so as upon any crosse
accident, he may rather incurre a small losse of money,
then the unrecoverable losse of time. Yet even in money
taken by letters of credit, reckoning the time of the repai-
m. ii 129
A.D.
1617.
Loss in
Exchange.
Uncertaintie
in receiving
money by
billes of
Exchange.
1
A.D.
1617.
My experi-
ence of the
rate of
Exchanges.
Hamburg.
[I. iii. 279.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
ment, Merchants use not to exact greater gaine, then ten
in the hundreth by the yeere, especially if they be honest
men, or have any bond of friendship with the traveller,
or his friends at home, and be confident of repaiment,
without any doubt, arising either by the travellers sick-
nesse or by his friends ill keeping of their credit.
It remaines that I adde somewhat in generall out of
my experience, of the rate at which my selfe received
money by the foresaid bils of exchange, or letters of
credit. And first I will confesse my negligent omission,
in noting the rates of my exchanges, whereof (as a matter
of moment) I much repent me ; but for this reason the
Reader must beare with me, if I set the same downe more
briefly then were fit for his instruction. Out of England
into Scotland, and Ireland, a Traveller shall have many
opportunities to carry monies in specie, (that is, in kind),
or to exchange them without any losse. The exchange
out of England, to Stoade or Hamburge in Germany,
useth to beare this rate, for a pound, (or twenty shillings
sterling) to receive there five and twenty Hamburge
shillings and sixe pence. My selfe delivered forty pounds
in England, and after the rate of twenty foure Hamburg
shillings and eight pence, for each English pound, or at
the rate of an imperiall doller, vallued at foure shillings
six pence English I received at Stoade forty nine
Hamburg pounds six shillings and eight pence.
Hereof I kept in my purse ten dollers, (that is,
two Hamburg pounds and fifteene shillings), the rest
I left in a Merchants hands, who sent me at divers
times to Leipzig, first nine and thirty dollers, (that is,
ten Hamburg pounds foureteene shillings and six pence),
& at another time threescore dollers, (that is, sixteene
Hamburg pounds ten shillings) and the third time seventy
dollers, (that is, nineteene Hamburg pounds five shillings).
These joined together with two shillings, paied to the
Carrier for my letters, make the foresaid summe of forty
nine Hamburg pounds sixe shillings eight pence, received
upon bill of exchange for my forty pound first paid in
130
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
London. Againe, I tooke up at Stode from an English
Merchant, seventy dollers upon my letters of credit, and
rating each doller at foure shillings eight pence English,
I gave him a bill of sixteene pound sterling, to be paid
him by my friend in London. From these parts in
Germany, a Traveller must carry with him the foresaid
kinds of moneyes most currant in Germany, when he takes
his journey to the upper parts of Germany, to Bohemia,
and to Sweitzerland, or the confines of Hungary. The
exchange out of England into the Low-Countries, usually
rateth an English pound sterling, first paid in England,
at foure and thirty Flemmish shillings, wanting two
slivers, to be paid after in the Low-Countries. In
Denmarke Travellers seldome make any long aboad, and
the trade of our Merchants is more rare in that Kingdome,
wanting native commodities ; so as there is no usuall
exchange from London thither. From London to
Dantzk in Prussen, the exchange of an English pound
sterling, first paid in London, useth to be rated at foure
and twenty Hamburg shillings and six pence, to be paid
there. My selfe by letters of credit received fifty dollers
at Dantzk, and after the rate of foure shillings six pence
English for each doller, I gave my bill for the payment
of eleven pound five shillings English, to be repaied by
my friend at London. And at Dantzk the same Merchant
for the same fifty dollers gave me one and thirty Hun-
garian duckets of gold, and foureteen grosh in silver,
being the fittest money for my journey to Crakaw in
Poland, and to Vienna in Oestreich (or Austria). Out of
England to Venice in Italy, the exchange of foure shillings
and sixe or eight pence English, useth to bee rated at a
Venetian Ducket. My selfe tooke no bils of exchange
from England to Venice, but had letters of credit,
to receive money of a Venetian Merchant, to be
repaid in London upon my bill, after the rate
of foure shillings three pence for each Venetian
ducket. And at first being to take my journey
for Rome and Naples, I tooke up two hundred silver
13 1
A.D.
1617.
The Low-
Countries.
Dantzk.
V mice.
A.D.
1617.
Turkey.
Haleppo.
France.
[I. iii. 280.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
crownes, most fit for that journey, which at Venice were
rated at two hundred five & twenty duckets, and nine-
teene grosh, and I gave my bill for three and fifty pound
sterling, twelve shillings and sixe pence English, to be
repaied by my friend in London. Then I retained with
my selfe as many of those crownes, as were necessary
for my journey, leaving the rest in the hands of a
Venetian Merchant, who gave me a bill to receive so many
crownes in specie, (that is, in kind) at Florence, where I
purposed to make my aboad for some few moneths. Out
of England into Turkey, I formerly said that for the
uncertainty of the journey, upon the great distances of
places, there is no certaine value of exchange, neither use
our Merchants to send bils of exchange thither, but to
give letters of credit, first to receive money there, either
at large according to the passengers wants, or for a certaine
yeerely summe, to be after repaied in England, upon the
passengers bill. And the Merchants there, for each
zechine of gold of Venice, delivered at Heleppo, use to
exact nine or ten shillings English, to be repaied in
London, to the passengers great losse, which he that will
avoid, may exchange his money to Venice, and there
receive zechines of gold, or silver moneys of Spaine, to
carry with him in specie, (that is, in kind). From London
into France, the exchange of sixe shillings English, useth
to be rated at threescore French soulz, or three French
pounds, which make a common French crowne, but a
French crowne in specie, and of just waight, is valued
there at threescore and foure soulz, (as in England an
Angell of gold is worth more then ten shillings silver
among the Exchangers, though in expences it is given
out for no more then ten shillings) and not onely bils
of exchange into France are given at the foresaid rate
for moneys first received in England : but he that hath
a merchant to his friend or acquaintance, may easily com-
pound to receive money, first, in France upon his letters
of credit, and to repay it in London after the rate of sixe
shillings English, for sixtie French soulz.
132
OF THE EXCHANGE OF MONEYS
To this I will adde two generall cautions, most neces-
sarie for travellers ; first, whereas in Germany and Italy,
the Territories of absolute Princes are frequent, and of
small extent, and each of these Princes doth coyne small
pieces of brasse money, it behooveth the passenger to
take heede, that he spend each Princes brasse
moneys within his Territory, or else that upon
the confines hee change them into brasse moneys
currant in the next Territory ; which if hee neglect, the
subjects of the new Prince, howsoever they bee neighbours
to the former Prince, and may daily change these coynes
for their owne, yet they will not receive them without
great gaine, they being of themselves little worth, and
onely by the prerogative of each Prince, currant among
their owne subjects. Secondly, the passenger must take
speciall care, to leave a faithfull friend at home, to pay
the bils readily, which he sends over to his Merchant,
for so doing, hee shall never want in forraine parts (at least
among Christians, and knowne places of trafficke), yea,
out of his good report hee shall bee furnished with more
money, then is warranted by his letters of credit : but
on the contrary, if his friend deny or delay paiments, hee
shall not have credit to borrow a penny upon his occasions,
more then that for which the Factors shall have warrant
by billes of exchange, or letters of credit ; and if he
fall into any misfortune, he shall not find a friend to
deliver him from penurie and shame.
These things being sayed in generall, nothing remaines
now, but to set downe the particular moneys of severall
Kingdomes, and the value of them, at the time when I
lived beyond Seas, which value is subject to change, at the
pleasure of each absolute Prince. And in this discourse
I thinke most fit to begin with the moneys of England,
being more familiarly knowne unto me.
Being to write of the Standard, weight, and value of
English moneys, I thinke fit first to give some few
admonitions to the Reader.
First, that the purest gold containes foure and twentie
i33
A.D.
1617.
Caution as to
brasse moneys.
Caution to
pay bills
readily.
Of the divers
Monies of
England.
A.D.
1617.
The purest
silver.
The English
pound.
Queen e
Elizabeth and
the Mint-
Master.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
caracts in the ounce, and foure graines make a
caract.
Secondly, that the purest silver containes twelve ounces
in each pound Troy weight : And that Edward the first,
King of England, keeping the Feast of Christs Nativitie
at Barwick, in the yeere 1300, did upon Saint Stevens
day decrie the value of base silver moneys, and after did
altogether forbid the use of them, and shortly after com-
manded sterling money to be coyned, so called of the
Easterlings, who first coyned silver money of that
Standard, which is of eleven ounces two penny weight.
Thirdly, that the English pound, as well of gold as
silver (meaning the pound of the Ballence, not the pound
of twentie shillings commonly spent) containes twelve
ounces Troy weight. And that each ounce of silver is
worth five shillings of the currant money, and each ounce
of Angel gold is worth three pound five shillings (or sixtie
five shillings) of Queene Elizabeths silver money, and
each ounce of Crowne gold is worth three pound (or sixtie
shillings) of the same coyne.
Fourthly, that the Mint-Master gave account before
the Queenes Examiners for the money they coyned, as
well by the tale (or number of the pieces) as by the sheere :
for it being not possible to coyne moneys of the just
prescribed weight, yet the Mint-master was held to have
performed his contract with the Queen for the standard
prescribed by her, so the silver were not more then 2
penny weight in the ounce heavier or lighter, then her
standard prescribed : and in like sort for the coyning of
gold, a certaine proportion of some eight graines in the
ounce, was allowed to the Mint-Master in this account
by the sheere.
Fiftly, that 20 penny weight makes an ounce, and 24
graines make a penny weight.
Now I returne to the discourse in hand. Queene
Elizabeth in the yeere 1600, contracted with the Mint-
Master, that of gold of the standard of twenty three
caracts three graines and a halfe, he should coyne pieces
i34
OF THE MONEYS OF ENGLAND
of Angels, halfe Angels, fourth parts of Angels, pieces of
an Angel and a half, & of 3 Angels. Now this Angel
was of three penny weight and 8 graines, and this gold
was commonly called Angel gold. Also she contracted
with him, that of gold of the Standard of twentie two
caracts, he should coyne pieces of twentie shillings, and
pieces of tenne shillings, and pieces of five shillings ; and
the piece of tenne shillings was three penny weight fifteene
graines. And this gold called Crowne gold, was almost
two caracts baser then the former, and two caracts after the
rate of this standard, are worth five shillings of Queene
Elizabeths silver. Lastly, she contracted with him, that
of silver of the standard of eleven ounces two penny
weight, he should coyne shillings, halfe shillings, fourth
parts of shillings, and pieces of two pence, and of one
penny, and of halfe pence. And the shilling was foure
penny (or ninety sixe graines) waight. The same Queene
not long before her death, reduced her silver to the
Standerd of eleven ounces, which was two-penny weight
baser then the former in each ounce, and the Mint Office
was said to have gained thereby one halfepenny in each
ounce, or about five in the hundreth.
King James in the yeere 1 604 published a Proclamation,
whereby new pieces of gold were to be coyned, of a
standard uniforme to the standards of other Nations :
for it appeares by the Proclamation, that the gold coynes
of England, were not of a just proportion betweene gold
and silver, according to the proportion used by all Nations,
so as the English coynes of gold, being given in England
for lesse, then indeed they were worth, it came to passe,
that they were transported into forraine parts, where they
were esteemed at higher rate ; which mischiefe his
Majestie desired to take away by this uniforme standard,
published in the same Proclamation ; for the better under-
standing whereof, this following Table was joyned to the
same.
King James in the yeere 1609, contracted with the
Mint-Master, that of gold of the Standard of three and
x 35
A.D.
1617.
[I. iii. 281. J
Crowne gold.
Silver pieces.
King James
Proclamation .
[I. iii. 283.]
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136
OF THE MONEYS OF ENGLAND
twentie caracts, three graines and a halfe, he should coyne
pieces of thirty shillings, called Rose Ryals ; pieces of
fifteene shillings, called Spur Ryals. And the foresaid
Rose Ryall was nine penny weight and five graines. Also
he contracted with him, that of gold of the Standard of
two and twentie caracts, hee should coyne pieces of
twentie shillings called Unites ; pieces of ten shillings,
called double Crownes, pieces of five shillings, called
Brittan Crownes, pieces of 4 shillings, called Thistle
crownes, and pieces of 2 shillings 6 pence, called halfe
Brittan crownes ; and lastly, that all these pieces should
bee proportioned to the toresaid Table. But the first
Standard of this yeere 1609 was lighter then the Standard
of the yeere 1600 by ten pence in each Angell, and the
second standard of the yeere 160c), was lighter in like pro-
portion, then the second standard of the yeere 1600.
Moreover, the Goldsmiths of this time said, that of old
a wedge of gold (or any gold uncoined) being brought
into the Mint, was coyned there for six silver shillings
in each pound of gold, whereas at this time the Mint
exacted thirtie silver shillings for the same, whereupon
the Merchants carried their wedges for the most part into
Flaunders to be coyned, and few of them being brought
into England, the Goldsmiths could not procure any of
them for the exercise of their trade, but were forced to
melt coyned gold and silver for that purpose. In the
same yeere 1609, the King contracted with the Mint-
master, that of silver of the standard of 1 1 ounces, he
should coyne divers pieces above mentioned in the former
Table, according to the rule therein prescribed. To con-
clude, Caesar in his Commentaries, mentions brasse coynes
of the Brittans, but the Kings of England have now for
many ages, cast out of England all use of brasse or copper
moneys, using none but coynes of gold and silver, and
that of a pure allay.
King James in like sort as he did for the English coyne,
did also joyne to his foresaid Proclamation the foresaid
Table of the Scottish weights, whereby the correspon-
137
A.D.
1617.
King James ’
pieces coyned
in 1609.
Of the divers
moneys of
Scotland.
A D.
1617.
Of the divers
moneys of
Ireland.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
dencie of the Scottish money to the English, and the just
value, weight and purenesse thereof may be dis-
tinguished ; to which end I have also formerly joyned
those tables.
The Scots also coyne a silver money of 13 pence halfe
penny, and another piece of halfe the same value, and both
these pieces of money are of the same purenes & value
with the English silver. And the Scots of old called 20
English pence, a pound, as wee in England call 20 silver
shillings a pound. And in like sort thirteene pence halfe-
penny English, was by the Scots called a Marke, as in
England thirteene shillings foure pence is so called. Also
the Scots have of long time had small brasse coynes, which
they say of late are taken away, namely, Babees, esteemed
by them of old for 6 pence, wherof 2 make an English
peny ; also Placks, which they esteemed for 4 pence, but
3 of them make an English penny ; also Hard-heads,
esteemed by them at one penny halfe-penny, whereof eight
make an English penny.
The Irish Histories report, that a Bishop, Justice of
Ireland under John King of England, did coyne moneys
in Ireland, of the same purenes and weight with the
English. And the Irish had a Mint-house at the begin-
ning of Queene Elizabeths raigne. But in our memory
the Irish have not enjoyed any priviledge of coyning
moneys, but have continually received them from the
Mint of England. And for the most part of Queene
Elizabeths Raigne, they had the same coyne with the
English, save that the Irish shillings were stamped with
a Harpe, the Armes of the Kingdome, and being called
Harpers, were only worth 9 pence English. But civill
warre having set all Ireland in a combustion, the same
Queene more easily to subdue the rebels, did take silver
coyne from the Irish, some few yeers before her death,
& paid her Army with a mixed base coyne, which by
Proclamation was commanded to bee spent and received
for sterling silver mony, for no pieces of gold were at any
time expressely coyned for the Irish. And this base mixed
138
OF THE MONEYS OF IRELAND
money had 3 parts of copper, and the fourth part of silver,
which proportion of silver was in some part consumed
by the mixture, so as the English Goldsmiths valued a
shilling thereof at no more then 2 silver pence, though
they acknowledged the same to be worth 2 pence halfe
penny. At last the civill warre being appeased immedi-
ately before the Queenes death, King James her successor in
the yeere 1605 took away this mixed coine, & restored their
old silver harpers to the Irish. Moreover in the happy
beginning of King James his Raigne, the Irish had the
under written old coynes, which Sir George Carey Knight,
at that time Lord Deputie, and yet continuing Treasurer
at wars for that Kingdome, did so gather up, as at this
day none of them are to be found. These coynes were
thus called ; First, they had silver groats, called broad
faced groates, which of old were coyned for foure pence,
though some of them were now worth eight pence. Also
they had silver groats, called crosse-keele groats, stamped
with the Popes tripple Crowne, likewise coined for foure
pence, but being of more value. And these groats were
either sent hither of old by the Popes, or for the honour
of them had this stampe set upon them. Lastly, they had
silver groats of like value, called Dominus groats, of the
Kings of England, then called Domini (that is, Lords)
of Ireland. Also they had Rex groats, so called of the
Kings of England, after they had the stile of Kings of
Ireland, which were coyned for foure pence, but by the
mixture of copper were onely worth two pence. Also
they had white groats, which were coyned for foure pence,
but of such base allay, as nine of them were given for an
English shilling. They had little brasse pence, and pence
of a second kinde, called Harpers, being as big as an
English shilling. They had also brasse farthings, called
smulkins, whereof foure made a penny. Lastly, there
were lately found brasse coynes by plowing up the earth,
whose stampe shewed, that the Bishops of Ireland had of
old the priviledge of coyning. And of all these moneys
aforesaid, some were coyned at London, some at the
139
A.D.
1617.
[I. iii. 284.]
Old coynes
used in
Ireland.
The Bishops
of Ireland
coyned money.
A.D.
1617.
Of the divers
moneys of
Germany.
Pieces of
money in the
sacred
Empire.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Mint, at Yorke, and some at the Mint at Bristow in
England.
Being to write of the divers moneys of Germany, I
thinke lit first to set downe some Lawes of the Empire
about coyning of moneys. In the Diet (or Parliament) at
Augsburg in the yeere 1551. it was decreed by the
Emperour, together with the Electors, Princes, States, the
Counsellors of those that were absent, the Ambassadours,
and Substitutes ; that in the greater pieces of coynes to
that piece included, which is worth six creitzers, the Mint-
masters, of a marke of Colen pure silver, should make
eight gold guldens and a halfe, with halfe a creitzer (the
gold gulden being esteemed at seventie creitzers) making
in silver ten guldens, twelve creitzers and a halfe, (the
silver gulden being esteemed at sixtie creitzers.) And
that hereafter in the sacred Empire, the under written
pieces of moneys should be coyned ; namely, the great
silver piece, and two halfes of the same, answering in
value to a gold gulden. Also pieces of twenty creitzers,
twelve, ten, sixe, three, and one. Also that the States,
according to the conditions of their Countreys, should
coyne for common use certaine pieces of small moneys,
with pence and halfe pence. That the Rhenish guldens of
the Electors, and the guldens answerable to them, should
be worth seventie two creitzers. And that all dollers
being worth sixty six creitzers (and so half dollers) should
be admitted by the Counsellers, but for the rest, that they
should certifie the Emperor the true value of each, to
the end he might prescribe how each coyne, according to
the value made by them, should be received and spent
or prohibited. And lest the Empire should by fraudes
suffer losse, in the carrying out of uncoyned silver, and
bringing in of forraine moneys, it was in the meane time
decreed, that no man should carry out of the Empire
any uncoyned silver, and that those who had the Regall
priviledge of coyning, should not sell the same to any
other, but use it themselves, with this condition, that
hereafter, of a silver marke of Colen weight, they should
140
OF THE MONEYS OF GERMANY
make ten silver guldens, with twelve creitzers and a halfe
(the gulden being esteemed at sixtie creitzers), so as in
that summe there should be found a silver Marke of the
said weight, excepting alwaies the charges of coyning
for the smaller pieces of moneys. And this to bee done
upon penaltie of losing that priviledge. Moreover, it
was decreed, that upon paine of burning, all men should
abstaine from clipping, and washing of coynes, or any
abasing of them with like fraudes. Lastly, it was decreed,
that the States having the priviledge of coyning, should
not hereafter, upon penaltie, bring any dollers, guldens,
groshes, or halfe, or fourth parts of groshes to the mint,
excepting those who had mines of their owne, who were
not forbidden to coyne as much gold and silver as they
had in their owne mines, so they coyned according to the
foresaid decree ; and that no other should coine any other
gold, then according to the value and weight used by the
Emperor, and the Princes of the Empire upon the Rheine.
In the Dieta at Spyre, in the yeere 1557, it was decreed,
that hereafter the stipends should be increased to the
Assessors of the Imperiall Chamber, so as a Gulden
having beene given hitherto for 16. Batzen, or sixty foure
Creitzers, should hereafter be paied from the Callends of
Aprill, in the yeere 1558, for seventy seven Creitzers.
Likewise in the Dieta at Augsburg, in the yeer 1558,
it was decreed, that the following stipends should be paid
to the Judge and Assessors of that chamber. Namely, that
the Judge, being an Earle, or Baron, should have 2000.
guldens, and if he were a Prince, his stipend should be
increased. That an Assessor being an Earle or Lord,
should have seven hundred guldens, a Doctor licentiate,
or a gentleman, should have five hundred Guldens, an
Advocate in Exchequer causes, should have three hundred
guldens, each Gulden being esteemed at sixteene batzen,
till agreement were made for equall mony in the Empire.
The Princes and divers States, and free Cities, have from
old times by the gifts of Emperours, the priviledges of
coyning. The Electors and Princes of Austria, doe
A.D.
1617.
Abasing
coynes.
[I. iii. 285.]
Stipends
decreed by the
Diet at
Augsburg ,
A.D. I558.
A.D.
1617.
Priviledges of
coining.
Imperial l
Edicts.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
stampe their Coynes upon one side with their owne
Image, having the imperiall apple over their heads,
and upon the other side with their owne armes :
but the Coynes of other Princes and free Cities, are
stamped with the Imperiall Eagle. The Coynes that are
not of just value, are prohibited by Imperiall Edicts, but
the greatest gaine which the Princes and Cities make by
their Priviledge, is by the coyning of smal brasse peeces,
which peeces are not of any value out of the Territory
where they are coyned, and cannot be spent upon the
confines without losse. As these priviledges of Coyning
are derived from the Emperours, so were they subject to
the Emperours censure, while their power was yet
unbroken. For I find these words, under the Emperours
name, in the abstract of the Imperiall lawes, (vulgarly
called Reichs Abscheydt.) Let every one which hath
the priviledge of coyning, send their Counsellers to me at
Nurnberg, &c. In the meane time let coyning cease in all
places, upon penalty of losing that priviledge. In the
same Booke by an imperiall Edict, with the consent of
the Princes and States, in the yeere 1559, the weights and
stampes of all Coynes are prescribed, and it is decreed,
that none should coyne more small moneys then for the
necessity of their Subjects, and that these moneys increas-
ing, they should presently be forbidden to coyne any more.
By like Edicts divers Coynes are either decried for the
value, or altogether taken away, and the bringing in of
forraine moneys, and transporting the Coynes of Germany,
are for the time forbidden. Otherwise each Prince may
convert forraine moneys into the Coynes of Germany for
the use of his subjects. The transporting of uncoyned
Gold or Silver into the Low-Countreys is there forbidden
for the time. Great punishments are decreed therein, to
be inflicted on those, that use frauds to abase the Coynes.
Likewise it is decreed, that Gold-smiths should not use
any coyned moneys in the exercise of their Art, except
uncoyned wedges were not to be had, in which case they
are restrained to melt no more coyne then necessity
142
OF THE MONEYS OF GERMANY
requires. Lastly, therein decrees are made, that for the
time none should sell or lay to gage their priviledge of
coyning, and that hereafter like priviledge should not be
granted to any, without being subject to the prescribed
lawes, and that a silver marke should be worth foureteene
halfe ounces, (which weight the Germans call Loth, being
halfe an ounce) ; and that Gold-smyths offending herein,
should be punished, according to the quality of the fraud.
Now I will set downe the divers moneys of Germany,
with the severall values of them. And first I will fore-
warne the Reader, that most reckonings of Germany are
made by common silver guldens, yet is there no such
coyne in the Empire ; and these Guldens are esteemed
at fifteene batzen in Germany, neere the value of three
shillings foure pence English. Also that in reckoning
of payments, the Germans use to make them by markes
of Colen and Lubecke, yet is there no such money at all
coyned. Now I returne to the purpose. The Gold
Rhenish Guldens of Germany, are almost of the same
standard with the Crowne Gold of England : but the
difference of the value shall hereafter appeare. The Gold
Ducket of Hungary, is of the purest gold of twenty foure
Caracts, and it is two penny weight and sixe graines, (for
I will apply all values to the English Coynes) ; and in
England they are worth seven shillings and two pence.
The silver Doller of the Empire (called Reichs Doller) is
of the standard of ten ounces or thereabouts, and is
eighteene penny weight sixteene graines. And at this time
in England a Doller is worth foure shillings and five pence,
which of late, before the reducing of our money, was
given for foure shillings foure pence. The Phillips Doller,
is of the standard of nine ounces ten penny weight, and
it is an ounce halfe quarter weight, & at this time in
England it was worth foure shillings ten pence.
At Stoade, Hamburg, and Lubecke, the Gold Rhenish
Gulden was worth eight and twenty silver Misen Grosh,
and a halfe, and a fourth part of a Grosh. And the
Imperiall Doller was worth foure and twenty Grosh.
143
A.D.
1617.
Loth.
Generally.
[I. iii. 286.]
At Stoade and
those parts.
A.D.
1617.
At Hamburg.
At Emden.
At Breme ,
Oldenburg ,
and those
parts.
FYNES MORYSGN’S ITINERARY
The same Rhenish gold Gulden, was worth sixe and thirty
Lubecke shillings and a halfe, and the Imperiall Doller
was worth three and thirty Lubecke shillings, though in
all reckonings it were accounted but two and thirty
shillings. A common silver Gulden was worth eight and
twenty Lubecke shillings. A French Crowne of Gold
was worth foure and forty. An English Angell of Gold
was worth two Dollers, with the fourth part of a Doller
and two Lubecke shillings, (or otherwise it was worth
twelve Flemmish Shillings, and foure Lubecke shillings.)
Seven Lubecke shillings and a halfe, made an English
Shilling sterling, and sixe Lubecke shillings made a
Flemmish Shilling, and likewise a shilling of Flamburg.
The Hamburgers coyned a peece of Gold called a Porte-
gue, which was worth foure pounds and eight shillings
of Hamburg, or three and thirty Markes of Lubecke, (a
Marke being esteemed for two shillings eight pence of
Hamburg). At Stoade the silver shilling of England
was worth seven stivers, and the Groates of England,
being of the same standard, yet were currant for two
stivers and a halfe, because seven stivers in that money
could not be divided into three equal parts. Whereupon
it fell out, that he who bought any thing for an Hamburg
penny, if he paied three English groats, had an English
shilling given him backe, and so had the thing bought
for nothing. At Emden upon the confines of the Empire
and the Low-Countreys, a silver Gulden of Emden was
worth twenty stivers, an Imperiall Doller five and forty
(which since that time is worth seven and forty) a Doller
of Emden was worth thirty stivers, (for Princes and Cities
coyne gold and silver Guldens, which often in their value
differ from the Imperiall, as likewise Dollers in specie,
(that is, kind) differ in value from Dollers, as they are
esteemed in contracts), a French crowne was worth three
Flemmish Guldens and sixe stivers. Now sixe stivers
(as also sixe Lubecke shillings) make one Flemmish
shilling. At Breme and Oldenburg, they have these
small moneys currant, namely, Groates, and peeces (of the
144
OF THE MONEYS OF GERMANY
stampe) called Copstucks, and a Doller was there worth
foure copstucks and a halfe, or five and fifty Groats. A
French crown was worth six Copstucks, and one Cop-
stucke was worth ten stivers, or twelve groats or there
abouts. A Groat was worth little more then an English
penny. A Sesling was worth halfe a Lubecke shilling,
and they have also halfe Seslings in these parts. At
Brunswicke a Doller was worth six and thirty Maria
Grosh, which are of equall value with foure and twenty
silver Misen Grosh, and also nine Maria Grosh, make
eight Lubecke shillings. The same Doller was worth
eighteene spitz-groshen, whereof each was worth two
Maria Groshen. Here also I changed sixe Dollers into
five Rhenish Gold Guldens and nine Grosh. At Magde-
burg, Leipzig, Misen, and in all the Electorate of Saxony,
and in the Neighbour Territories, to the confines of
Bohemia, a Doller was worth foure and twenty silver
Groshen, which are as much worth as eighteene spitz-
groshen, or as sixe and thirty Maria Groshen. A Rhenish
Gold Gulden was worth seven and twenty silver Groshen,
and the silver Phillips Doller, was of the same value. A
common silver Gulden was esteemed at one and twenty
silver Groshen, a French Crowne at three and thirty, a
Spanish pistolet at two and thirty, an halfe Milreise at
sixe and thirty, the short and long Crusado, at five
and thirty, the Hungarian Ducket at thirty silver
Groshen. The Rose Noble was esteemed at three
Dollers and a halfe, the English Angell at two
Dollers, and little more then an Ort, or fourth part of a
Doller. And the silver Grosh is worth more then two
pence, lesse then 2. pence halfepenny English. And for
the small Coynes, a Grosh was worth foure drier, & one
drier was worth two Dreyhellers, and one Dreyheller was
worth a pfenning and a halfe, and twelve pfenning made
a Grosh, and two schwerdgroshen made one schneberger.
In generall, through all the upper parts of Germany, a
doller was esteemed at eighteene batzen, a silver Gulden
at fifteene, a Phillips doller at twenty, a Rhenish Gold
m. ii 145
A.D.
1617.
At
Brunswicke.
At Misen and
those parts.
[I. iii. 287.]
In upper
Germany.
K
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1617.
Gulden at twenty, a French Crowne at foure and twenty
and a halfe, a Gold Crowne of Italy was esteemed at
Heidelberg and at Strassburg at foure and twenty batzen,
at Augsburg a silver Italian Crowne at two and twenty
batzen and a halfe. And the silver Grosh of Misen being
carried out, & currant in all Germany, a Rhenish gold
Gulden through higher Germany was worth seven and
twenty silver Misen Grosh, a silver Gulden there (as in
Saxony) was esteemed at one and twenty Grosh. The
Batz is worth three English pence, and foure Creitzers
make a Batz, foure pfenning make a Creitzer, and three
Creitzers make a Zwelver, and twenty zwelvers make
fifteen batzen, which is a common silver Gulden.
In all Princes More particularly know, that in all Princes Territories,
Territories. new and divers small moneys are found. At Nurnberg
eight pfund (that is, Pounds) with twelve pfenning, make
a silver Gulden, thirty pfenning make one pfund, two
halier make one pfenning, five pfening make one finfer,
seven pfening make a Maria Grosh, thirty six Maria
Grosh make a silver gulden. In Austria two halier make
one pfening, foure pfening one creitzer, seven Creitzers and
a halfe make a shilling, eight shillings make a silver Gulden.
At Augsburg seven halier make one creitzer, eight pfening
make one Bemish, three creitzers make one plappart, twenty
plappart (as also sixe and twenty Bemish with 2 pfening)
make a silver Gulden. In Franconia, six pfening (whereof
twelve make nine pfening of Misen) make one gnack.
In Suevia and Bavaria towards the Rheine, three Creitzers
make one shilling, or one plappart, and twenty plappart
make a silver gulden. At Lindaw, and from thence to
Costnetz, three pfening of Costnetz make one creitzer,
twelve pfening make a batzen, and there be also halfe
batzen. From thence to Basil, these moneys are spent
before named. At Strasburg and Spira, foure pfening of
the Phaltz, (that is, Palatinate) make one Creitzer, and at
Heydelberg, and so to Francfort, two Strasburg pfening,
make one Creitzer. At Francfort seven and twenty
weispfening make a silver Gulden, and eight halier make
146
OF THE MONEYS OF GERMANY
a weispfening. At Wien (that is, Vienna) and upon the
confines of Hungary, foure pfening make a creitzer, thirty
pfening (or seven creitzers and a halfe,) make a shilling,
and one shilling makes a pfund (or pound).
Alwaies let the Reader understand, that the value of
these moneyes is subject to change, in divers Provinces,
and more at divers times. And let him know, that an
Imperiall Doller is now in Germany worth nineteene
batzen, which at my being there was given for eighteene
batzen ; and that a Phillips doller is now worth twenty
two batzen, which then was given for twenty, and that
a Rhenish Gold Gulden is now worth three and twenty
batzen, which then was given for twenty. Likewise that
in the Territory of the Elector of Saxony, a doller is now
worth sixe and twenty Misen Grosh and a halfe, which
then was given for foure and twenty. Also that the great
Coynes of Germany, are now worth more in England,
then they were at that time, in respect of our silver some-
what debased. And if any object, that our English
coynes of silver are now worth more in the Low-
Countreys, then they were at that time when they were
more pure, let him know, that all great Coynes, as well of
silver as Gold, as well forraine as domesticall, have since
that time beene increased in value in the Low Countreys ;
yet he that will change an English Angell into dollers,
or great silver Coynes in the Low-Countreys, shall gaine
no more at this time then formerly, since now they esteeme
a doller at seven shillings sixe pence, which formerly was
given for five shillings foure pence, and all the gayne
which this raising of the Coynes seemes to promise a
passenger, is by changing his great Coynes into stivers
and small brasse moneys, which being of none or small
value in themselves, are despised by Merchants, who are
to receive great summes. But I will referre the change
of the value of Coynes in the Low-Countries, to the
proper place, and returne to the value of Coynes, increased
in Germany : Wherein no man is to wonder, that the
great Coynes still remaining of the old standard, yet are
i47
A.D.
1617.
In generall.
[I. iii. 288.]
A.D.
1617.
Divers money
of Bohemia.
Divers
moneyes of
Sweitzerland.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
given for more of their owne small moneys, then formerly
they were, since divers reasons therof may be readily
brought. Either for that the Merchants, being to receive
great summes, desire rather with losse to receive great
Coynes, then with gaine to receive the base, and brasse
Coynes. Or perhaps for that the small Coynes are now
either more abased, or altogether made of brasse : And
most of all, for that forraine Merchants doe more carry
out the moneys of Germany for their wares, then any
native commodities thereof, so as the increased value of
Coynes in Germany, turnes onely to the losse of strangers,
and to the gaine of the Empire.
Bohemia now long subject to the Family of Austria,
having long held the dignity of Emperours, doth admit
all the great Coynes of Germany, in the same value as
the Germans held them. And as well the Bohemians,
as the Hungarians, in the yeere 1551 gave consent, that
thenceforward their moneys should be made agreeable to
those of the Empire, in weight, matter, and value.
Touching the small moneys in Bohemia, and upon the
confines of Hungary and Poland, I remember that three
potschandels or pochanels made one creitzer, and nine
creitzers with a pochanell made foure weissgrosh, and
that thirty Grosh of Moravia (or weissgrosh) made a
doller. And that in Bohemia they had a kind of Grosh,
which answered in value to the Grosh of Polonia. Lastly,
that Merchants reckoned two haliers for a pfenning, and
six pfenning for a grosh, and sixty grosh for a shocke, and
forty grosh for a marke.
The Common-wealth of the Sweitzers consisting of
divers Cities and Villages, and Territories, doth also admit
divers moneys. The priviledge of Coyning is granted
in common to Zurech, Basil, and Schaphusen, and each
of these Cities hath his peculiar mynt, with Officers to
oversee that the moneys stamped with the markes of the
Cities, be of just weight, and due mixture : but each
of these Cities hath their peculiar moneys. They of
Basil, with the Neighbour townes of Alsetz, doe coyne
148
Basil.
OF THE MONEYS OF SWITZERLAND
a peece of money, which of a Crow stamped upon it, is
called Rappen Muntz, whereof five and twenty pound
Troy weight, (called in Latin, Assis) make a common
gold gulden, esteemed at sixty creitzers. They of Schap-
husen, doe coyne money of the same mixture and value,
together with the usuall money of the Empire. They of
Zurech coyne dollers and halfe dollers, after the value
of those in the Empire ; but they have a lesse money of
their owne, whereof forty pounds Troy weight, (called in
Latin Assis) make a common gold Gulden. They also
coyne Batzen, whereof sixteene make a gold Gulden.
More particularly to explane the value of these moneys :
Six Rappen of Basil, make a plappart or three creitzers,
and twenty plappart or sixty creitzers, make a common
Gulden. And as I formerly said in the discourse of
German moneys, from Lindaw to Costnetz, three pfenning
of Costnez make a Creitzer. Now I adde that the
money of Schaphusen and Costnetz is spent to the confines
of Schaphusen, and the money of Basil is spent from
thence to Basil. At Zurech sixe pfenning make a shilling,
(worth a penny English), and three pfenning make a
Sicherling. Two great finfers of Basil, and one little
finferlin, make a batz of Basil, and in like sort five finferlin
make a batz, and five finfers make two batzen, and these
moneys are spent to Strassburg, and so to Spire in
Germany. Bern, Friburg, and Solothurn, have a peculiar
money, whereof two and forty pounds Troy weight (in
Latin Assis) and twice foure ounces (in Latin Trientes)
make a gold Gulden. Besides they (and especially those
of Solothurn, in great quantity) coyne a peece of mony,
which the Sweitzers call Dickenpfenning, & the French
call Testoone, but it is lesse worth by the tenth part
then the Testoone of France. Those of Bern did first
coyne Batzen, so called of a Beare, the Armes of the City,
(for the words Baren, and also batzen, signifie Beares in
the Sweitzers tongue), and the Cities of Suevia, imitating
them, drew the same money and word into Germany.
At Bern sixteene batzen are esteemed for a rhenish gold
149
A.D.
1617.
Schaphusen.
Zurech .
Peculiar
money of
Bern.
A.D.
1 6 1 7.
[I. iii. 289.]
Chur.
Of the divers
Coynes of the
Low-
Coun treys.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Gulden. The money of Lucerna, is like to that of Basil,
but onely sixe ounces Troy weight more base, and fifty
of these moneys make a Rhenish gold Gulden. As the
French gold is spent with gaine in Sweitzerland, so in
all places upon these confines of France the French silver
Coynes called Francks, are commonly spent. In the
Cantons dwelling scattered in Villages, (namely, the
Sweitz, those of Undervald, the Tugians, those of
Glarona, and Abbatiscella), a pound is a doller. In
Rhaetia (or the Grisons) the Bishop and the Citizens of
Chur coyne money, and the Abbot of Disent hath an old
priviledge of coyning. And here sixty creitzers make a
common gulden, foure Angster make a Creitzer, and
twelve Angster make a Behmisch. But in this Province
confining upon the State of Venice, the Lires or Berlin-
gots, and the gagets of Venice, are vulgarly spent, and I
remember that when I came out of the state of Venice into
this Province, I spent Crownes of Italy ; and I find in
my notes, that at Lasagna I changed a silver crowne for
eight and twenty batzen : but since seven batzen of
Germany make two lires of Venice, and a gold crowne
of Italy, is there given for eight lires ; I thinke that either
it was a gold crowne that I changed, or that the batzen
of this Province are of lesse value then those of Germany.
For a gold crowne of Italy, and the French crowne are
both of a value, and I said before, that at Strassburg I
changed each of these Crownes for foure and twenty
batzen : yet to the contrary I find, that passing forward
in this Territory of the Grisons, I exchanged at Lanzi a
silver crowne of Italy for seven and twenty batzen, and
that three batzen were there esteemed at foureteene
creitzers, which in Germany are onely worth twelve
creitzers. So as I am doubtfull, and cannot determine
the value of the Italian coynes, in the small moneys of
the Grisons.
In the foresaid Imperiall Dieta (or Parliament) held at
Augsburg, in the yeere 1551. these words are added to
the Imperiall Edict. We wil that this our Edict shall be
I S°
OF THE LOW-COUNTREYS’ MONEY
A.D.
1617.
propounded to our Hereditary States of the Low-
Countreys, and we will take care that they apply them-
selves thereunto, as much as they possibly can. The
States of the Low-Countreys, coyne divers peeces of gold,
as Archiducall Angels and Crownes. And the Angell is
of the standard of twenty two Caracts, and of three penny
weight seven graines. Also they coyne gold Lyons,
called Riders, whereof each is worth foure Flemmish
Guldens and a halfe. The Noble of Gant, is of the same Gant.
standard with the French Crowne, and in England it is
worth thirteene shillings foure pence. They spend
commonly Phillips dollers, the value whereof I have set
downe with the moneys of Germany. To conclude, they
coyne any peece, of which they can make gayne, yea, the
Merchants report, that they coyne the great moneys of Hollanders
Spaine, England, and all Dominions, stamped with the s *M} n
same Image and Armes, and for such utter the same in r °y nin S-
their trafficke with the Indians. But they coyne little
gold or silver of their owne, having a singular Art to
draw all forraine coynes when they want them, by raising
the value, and in like sort to put them away, when they
have got abundance therof, by decrying the value. And
when their Exchequer aboundeth with any money, & they
are to pay their Army, then they increase the value
thereof ; but having aboundance of the same coyne, and
being to receive their revenues, then they decry the value
thereof. And while they thus raise the value of forraine
great coynes, in their small moneys, it fals out, that they
have plenty of gold and silver, with the onely losse of
base stivers and brasse moneys. And indeed, as well the
art, as industry of this Nation, hath in our age become
wonderfull to all other Nations. For they have no woods,
yet by the commodity of their rivers and ditches, they are
become terrible to their enemies in the strength of their
Navy. They have not corne to suffice their owne wants,
yet by fetching it from other parts, they relieve therewith
all Nations that want corne. Of late, when they had no
skill in trafficke, the Italians trading at Antwerp, did
151
A.D.
1617.
[I. iii. 290.]
Of the divers
moneys of
Denmark.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
rashly take their children to write their letters, and be
their cashiers, and they too late complaine, that when
these children grew to age, they did not onely take all
forraine trafficke from them, and send them backe into
Italy, but also followed them thither, and living dispersed
through all the Cities of Italy, and spending at a low rate,
did also draw all that trafficke to themselves. In like
sort they have no mines of gold and silver, yet by their
singular wit, and rare industry, doe abound both with
gold and silver. To conclude, as they are most practicall
in all kinds of businesse, so are they most subtile in the
art of the mynt, and money matters. But I will returne
to the moneys of the Low-Countreys. At this day the
English Angell being esteemed at five Flemmish guldens
and two blancks, two English Angels (or twenty shillings)
are there worth foure and thirtie Flemish shillings, want-
ing 2 stivers, and a hundreth pounds Flemish make sixty
English pounds sterling. Two English shillings are three
shillings foure pence Flemish, and make a Flemish silver
gulden, twentie Flemish shillings make a Flemish pound,
twentie stivers make a Flemish gulden, sixe stivers make
a Flemish shilling, two blancks make one Flemish stiver
and a halfe, foure orkees (or doights) of brasse make a
Flemish stiver. A French crowne was given for three
Flemish guldens, and foure stivers : (but in Holland
onely three stivers, and in some places but two stivers
more then three guldens.) An Imperiall doller was given
for fortie five stivers, a Spanish pistolet for three flemish
guldens, and two or three stivers, a gold Rhenish gulden
for two Flemish guldens and nine stivers, and a Phillips
doller of silver for two Flemish guldens and eight stivers,
or very little more.
The marke of Denmarke was esteemed at 16 Lubeck
shillings, and two shillings of Denmark made one Lubeck
shilling, and thirtie three Lubeck shillings were given
for an Imperiall Doller, yet two and thirtie of Lubeck, or
sixtie foure shillings of Denmark made a common Doller
in contracts. The gold of England was commonly spent
! 5 2
OF THE MONEYS OF DENMARK
in Denmark, and they esteemed an English Angell at
two Dollers, and little more then the fourth part of a
Doller; and they esteemed the English Rose Noble of
that time at three Dollers and a halle, which coyne they
had almost drawne altogether into Denmark, by the
exacting the same for the tributes of ship-masts, and other
Merchandizes, passing the narrow straight of their Sea.
The Polonians coyne gold Duckets of the same value
with the Hungarian Duckets (whereof I have spoken
among the moneys of Germany), and these Duckets at
this day are given for seventy Polish grosh, which of
late were worth no more then sixtie five. Venceslaus
King of Bohemia was crowned King of Poland about the
yeere 1300, who first brought silver money into Poland,
namely, Bohemian groshen (I meane those of silver, not
the white grosh), which to this day are currant in Crakaw,
and those parts. For before that time the Polonians did
traffick with little pieces of uncoined silver, and with
exchange of skins and other commodities. At this day
the Polonians, aswell as the Germans, make all contracts
by silver guldens, but have no such coyne stamped.
Thirty Polish grosh make a silver gulden, and a doller
at this day is worth fortie Polish grosh, at the least, which
not long since was worth no more then thirtie five grosh,
but to this day in contracts thirtie sixe Polish grosh make
a doller, howsoever a doller in specie (that is, in kinde) be
worth fortie grosh at the least. Three Pochanels make
a Creitzer, and seven pochanels make a Polish and
Bohemian groshen of silver. At Danske in Prussia (of
old a Province of Germany, but lately annexed to the
Crowne of Poland) they coyne Hungarian dukets of
gold (as they doe in Poland), and they have two coynes
of gold, called Milreis, and halfe Milreis. And I received
of a Merchant there, each Hungarian ducket, and each
halfe milreis, for a doller and a halfe with one sesling,
and each milreis for three dollers and two seslings. And
thirtie sixe Polish grosh did there make a doller. But I
remember, that I did there change an Hungarian ducket
r 53
A.D.
1617.
Of the divers
moneys of
Poland.
a.d.
1617.
Of the divers
moneys of
Italy.
In generall.
[I. iii. 291].
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
for fiftie sixe Polonian grosh, which value passeth the
former about a grosh and a halfe. For a sesling of
Hamburg makes a Danish shilling, and that is little more
worth then a halfe Polish grosh. The Muscovites Empire
lyes upon this Province, and therefore I will adde a word
of their coynes. They make all contracts by a money
called Rubble, which is altogether imaginarie, for they
have no such coyne, and it is esteemed in England at
thirteene shillings foure pence sterling, and in the
Muscovites money, it is rated at thirtie three altines and
two Diagoes. And sixe single or three double diagoes
make one altine.
The Italian Crowne of gold, and the Spanish pistolet,
and double pistolet (being there current), are of the same
standard, allay, and value, with the after mentioned French
Crowne, save that the double pistolet containes two
French Crownes. The Venetian zecchine is of the same
standard, finenesse, and value as the Hungarian ducket,
above mentioned in the moneys of Germany. The Popes
giulii of silver, and so likewise the poali, are of the same
standard finenesse and value with the English sixe pence,
but the lire of Venice being worth about nine pence
English, is of a little baser standard. The Spanish coynes
of silver are currant in Italy, and they are called Pezzi
d’ otto, pieces or rials of eight, and they be of the standard
of 1 1 ounces and two penny weight, and are three quarters
of an ounce and a halfe weight, and in England each of
them is worth foure shillings foure pence half peny, this
Spanish mony being two and twentie pence in each twentie
shillings English, more worth then the English silver.
All Crownes of gold are currant in Italy, and all at one
rate, excepting the French Crownes, which at Venice and
Naples are esteemed somewhat higher then other, though
in all the other Cities of Italy, it is more commodious
to spend Spanish pistolets or crownes, then French
crownes. In generall, the Italian silver crowne, given
for seven lires of Venice, is worth almost five shillings
English, and the Italian gold crowne vulgarly called d’
i54
OF THE MONEYS OF ITALY
A.D.
1617.
oro, given for seven lires, and about fifteene sols of
Venice, is worth almost five shillings sixe pence English,
and the gold crowne, vulgarly called d’ oro in oro del sole,
given for eight lires, and some odde sols of Venice, is
currant in England for sixe shillings. To conclude,
greater summes paid in little brasse moneys, are in Italy
delivered by weight, not by tale or number. And more
particularly to explaine the values of moneys. At Venice At Venice.
a zechine of Venice is given for ten lires, and ten or
twelve sometimes more sols. A double pistolet of Spaine,
called Dublon’, is there given for seventeene lires. A
French crowne is given for eight lires, and eight, or
sometimes ten sols. An Italian crowne of gold is there
given for eight lires, and some for seven lires sixteene
O D # *
sols (for the weight of Venice being heavier then in other
parts of Italy, the light crownes are lesse esteemed.) The
Spanish piastro of silver is given for sixe lires, the silver
ducket for sixe lires and foure sols, the silver crowne for
seven lires, the justino for two lires, the mutsenigo for a
lire, and foure sols. Besides, the Venetians have silver
pieces of 4 lires, of eight soldi (or sols), and of sixe
soldi, and a piece of two soldi called Gagetta, which are
of a baser standard. Touching the brasse moneys,
twentie soldi make a lire, two soldi or three susines make
a gagetta, two betsi or three quatrines, make a soldo or
marketta, and foure bagatines make a quatrine. In the
Dukedome of Ferrara, the silver crowne is spent for seven At Ferrara.
lires of Venice, and in the money of the Dukedome twelve
bolignei make a Venetian lire, three susines make a
boligneo, and two bolignei make one amoray, seven make
one Saint Georgio, foure make one cavalot, foure and a
halfe make one berlingasso, nineteene make one carli, and
ten bolignei make one bianco, and two brasse quatrines
make a susine, sixe make a boligneo, seven make a gagetta
of Venice. At Bologna, a silver crowne is given for ten At Bologna.
poali, and a French crowne of just weight for thirteene
poali. The poalo, and the giulio in other parts of Italy
are both of one value, but here the giulio is given for
i55
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1617.
sixe bolignei, and foure brasse quatrines, or for fortie
brass quatrines, and the poalo is given for eight bolignei,
or for fortie eight brasse quatrines. Also hee that
changeth any crowne, shal have more gaine, if
he change it into bolignei (which are good for
expences there), then if he change it into poali
(because the poali are currant in other parts, but
the bolignei onely in the territory of Bologna.) At
At Pesara. Pesaro, and in the Dukedome of Urbino, a gold crowne is
spent for twelve poali, and fifty two brasse quatrines make
a poalo : but if you will change your gold crowne into
brasse quatrines, which are not current out of the
Territory, you may have 182 quatrines for the crowne,
which make fifteene poali, which is a fifth part more then
it is worth in silver. At Ancona, and in the Marca of
At Ancona. Ancona, a gold crowne is given tor eleven poali and a
half, or to the value of twelve poali, if you receive it in
brasse quatrines, and there fortie quatrines of brasse make
a giulio, fortie three make a poalo. A silver crowne is
given for ten poali, and if you receive brasse quatrines
for poali, they will give seven baocci more, and ten baocci
At Rome. make a poalo. At Rome a gold crowne is sometimes
given for eleven poali and a halfe, somtimes for twelve,
sometimes for twelve and a halfe, according to the abund-
ance and want of gold, and all gold crownes are of one
value. And a silver crowne is given for ten poali or
giulii, and ten baocci make one giulio or poalo, and foure
brasse quatrines make a baocco. Lastly, at Rome more
then any other where, he that changeth crownes into
quatrines, which cannot be spent out of that State, shal
in appearance make great gaine : but in the Market those
[I. iii. 292.] which sell, use to looke into the buyers hands, and if he
have quatrines therein, they hold the thing to be sold at a
higher rate, if he bring silver, they sell cheaper. And I
remember, that the Gentlemen of Rome refusing to take
quatrines for their rents, the people, when the Pope came
abroad, falling on their knees before him, in stead of
asking his blessing, did with humble cries crave a remedie
i5 6
OF THE MONEYS OF ITALY
A.D.
1617.
for that oppression. At Naples a gold Spanish crowne, At Naples.
or a French crowne of just weight, was given for thirteene
carlini, an Italian gold crowne for twelve carlini and a
halfe, a silver crowne for tenne carlini, and nine carlini
make eight reali, or giuli, or poali, and five carlini make
one paraque, and fortie brasse quatrines make one carlino,
ten quatrines make one sequin, three quatrines one turnas,
& two cavali make one quatrine. In the Dukedome of
Florence, a gold crowne is given for twelve giulii (or AtFiorenza.
reali, or poali, for they bee all of one value) and for halfe
a giulio more. And a silver crowne called Piastro (which
is most commodious to bee carried for expences in all
Italy, and especially here) was given for ten giulii and a
halfe. Touching smaller monys, ten brasse deners make
a quatrine, three brasse quatrines make a soldo, five
quatrines make a baello (or creitzer, which is a little coyne
of silver), and eight baelli make a giulio or carlino, and
fortie giulii make twentie shillings sterling English. At
Genua and in Liguria, gold crowne of just weight (aswell In Liguria.
Spanish, as French, Venetian, Florentine, Neapolitan, and
that of Genoa) is given for foure lires and a halfe of
Genoa. A silver crowne there called ducaton, is given
for three lires of Genoa, fifteene soldi or bolinei, and some-
what more. And a chanfron of Naples for one and
thirtie soldi. Fifteene lires of Genoa make twenty
shillings sterling English, twentie soldi or bolinei of
Genoa make a lire of Genoa, and twelve soldi of Genoa
make a lire of Venice, seven soldi and a halfe of Genoa
make a reale, foure soldi make a cavalotto, sixe quatrines
make a soldo, or bolineo, and two deners make a quatrine.
Also at Genoa they coyne a silver piece of eight reali,
which is given for three lires and one or two soldi. Like-
wise they coyne a piece of foure reali, and another of
two reali. Also they coyne silver pieces, of one, two,
and foure lires, and a silver piece of ten soldi or bolinei.
Lastly, they coyne brasse pieces of foure soldi, called
cavalotto, of one soldo or bolineo, of eight deners, of
foure deners, and of one denere. In the Dukedome of
i57
A.D.
1617.
At Milano.
In Piemont.
At Mantua.
The divers
moneys of
Turkey.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Milan, a gold crowne of Italy being of just weight, is
given for one hundred twentie one soldi. A Spanish
dublon of just weight, is given for two hundred and
sixty soldi, and more sometimes. A dublon of Milan
for two hundred and fiftie soldi, a light gold crowne for
one hundred and seventeene soldi, a silver crowne called
ducaton for one hundred and foureteene soldi. And
twentie soldi make a lire, two lires of Genoa make about
three lires of Milan, foure brasse quatrines make a soldo,
nine soldi make a bianco, ten quatrines make one par-
poyolle, forty quatrines make a terso. My selfe at Milan
changed a gold crowne for sixe lires and sixe soldi, and
at Marignano, hiring a horse for sixe lires, and giving a
gold crowne, I received backe eight soldi. In Piemont,
a French crowne is given for ten florines somewhat more,
a silver crowne for eight florines. And twelve grossi
make a florine, foure quatrini make a grosso, foure soldi
make a bianco, seven quatrines make a soldo, sixe soldi
and sixe quatrines make a florino, twelve quatrini make a
cavalotto, and foure cavalotti make a florino. Lastly, in
the Dukedome of Mantua, a zecchine of Venice is given
for eight lires and twelve soldi, a gold crowne of Mantua
for seven lires, a silver crowne for sixe lires and foure
soldi. Foure trantis make a soldo, two soldi make a
parpayollo, sixe soldi make a Barbarino, ten soldi and a
halfe make a giulio, twelve soldi and a halfe make a
Spanish riall, 20 soldi make a lire, 2 trantis make a susine,
and 3 deners of Mantua make a trantis.
The great Turke coynes a piece of gold called Sultanon’,
and it is of the same standard, finenesse, and value with
the Hungarian ducket, above mentioned among the
moneys of Germany. In Affrick, those of Barbary have
a gold Ducat, commonly current among Christians, which
is so rare in Turkey, as I do not remember to have seene
any piece thereof spent there. Neither have the Affricans
any mines of gold, but they carry salt to Ganger, and
thence bring this gold. And this Barbary duckat of gold
is of the standard of three and twentie caracts, and the
158
OF THE MONEYS OF TURKEY a.d.
1617.
fourth part of a graine, and three penny weight wanting
two graines, and at this day in England it is given for
nine shillings two pence sterling, which of late was worth [I. iii. 293.]
no more then eight shillings foure pence sterling. To
conclude, the gold zechine of Venice, and the Spanish
peeces of silver, of foure and eight Reali, and the very
silver of Venice, are so commonly spent in Turkey, as
the gold and silver of Turkey seemes dispised, or at least
is seldome spent. But because this vast Dominion hath
large circuit, it will not be amisse to name the moneys
currant in divers places. And first I forewarne the
passenger, that in all places, he is in danger, who shewes
his money, but most of all among the Turkes, where to
be rich, is more dangerous then the greatest crime can
be objected, either in respect of the covetous Judge in
publike, or the ravinous nature of each man in private,
neither doth any thing more provoke the Turkes to lay
snares for the unwary passenger. So as howsoever it be
not improvidently done, to carry summes of gold or silver
by sea, & in Barks of Christians ; yet I would advise a
passenger to be wary how he shew them among Christians,
and much more among Turkes, and advise him rather
to make shew, to draw his money from a little purse,
hiding his greater store, then in payments to pull it out
by heapes. The Greeke Hand Zante, subject to the At Zante.
Venetians, hath Venice money, and a gold zechine was
given there for eleven Lires, and two gagets.
Likewise the Greeke Hand Candia, subject to the At Candia.
Venetians, hath the moneys of Venice, where a gold
zechine was given for eleven lires, and to the Turkes
(landing there) at a higher rate. The silver crowne called
piastro, was there given for six lires, and about foure
soldi. And here I found a silver peece, which I never
found to be spent in the State of Venice, namely, a
perper, worth eight soldi, and eight baggatini of Venice.
The Greeke Hand Cyprus, subject to the Turkes, At Cyprus.
spends the Venetian gold and silver lires, but receives
not the peeces of eight soldi, nor the lesser moneys of
G9
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1617.
Venice, neither are the Venetian lires currant any further
then this Hand, though perhaps they may be spent with
some losse upon the Coast adjoyning. At Cyprus the
gold zechine was given for eleven lires of Venice, and
for 120 aspers of Turkey; and the silver crown called
piastro, or a piece of eight Reali Spanish, was given
for seventy Aspers, and the gold Sultanon of Turkey,
was of the same value with the zechine of Venice : yet
the very Subjects more willingly received the zechines.
The Turkish Asper is a little peece of silver, which at
Haleppo in Syria was worth some three farthings English :
and eight aspers at Cyprus made one scahy (a Turkish
money which the Italians call Seya) being esteemed at
little more then sixe pence English, and fifteene scahy
made a zechine, twelve scahy made a French or Spanish
Crowne, ten scahy made a piastro or Spanish peece of
eight Reali. And sixteene brasse Mangouri made one
silver Asper, neither can any money of Cyprus be spent
in Palestine without losse.
At Jerusalem. At Jerusalem and through all Palestine, and those parts,
the gold zechines of Venice are more esteemed (as in
all Turkey,) then any other peeces of gold, and the very
Turkes more willingly receive them then the Turkish
Sultanons. At Jerusalem a zechine was given for five
and forty meidines of Cairo in jEgypt, the Spanish peece
of eight Reali called piastro, was given for eight and
twenty meidines ; and halfe a piastro at the same rate,
neither have they any Aspers there, but these meidines
onely, where of each is worth three Aspers, so as the
five and forty meidines given for the zechine, are worth
135 Aspers, and the eight and twenty meidines given for
the piastro, are worth eighty foure aspers. The gold
crownes of France and Spaine, are not spent here without
losse, but the silver duckets of Italy are commodious to be
At Tripoli. spent here. At Tripoli in Syria, and at Haleppo, and in
the territories adjoyning, the foresaid silver aspers are
commonly spent. The gold zechine of Venice is there
worth ninety meidines, and the Spanish piastro worth
160
OF THE MONEYS OF TURKEY
sixty ; but these meidines of Tripoli, differ from the
other of Cayro in iEgypt, for those of Tripoli are each
worth one asper and a halfe, but those of Cayro are each
worth three Aspers. At Constantinople all contracts are
made by aspers, howsoever the foresaid peeces of gold and
silver be there also currant. And in small contracts they
pay aspers by the weight, because they cannot easily
number them, but in great contracts they reckon by Asses
loades of aspers, as the English doe by hundred and
thousand pounds. Lastly, at Constantinople, I exchanged
gold zechines each at 125 aspers, a French Crowne at
one hundred aspers, and a doller of Germany at 75
aspers.
The gold French Crowne is of the standard of two and
twenty caracts, and is two penny weight, foure graines
and a quarter. The silver peece called Quart d’ escu,
that is, the fourth part of a crowne, is of the standard
of eleven ounces, and is six penny weight foure graines,
and is worth two Venice Lires, or eighteene pence sterling
English. The peece of Silver called Francke, is of the
standard of nine ounces ten penny weight, and eighteene
penny weight sixeteene graines, and is worth two shillings
English. The French Crowne is exchanged for three
Franckes, or for foure Quarts d’ escu, or for little more
then foure testoones. For foureteen soulz and a halfe
make a testoon, fifteene soulz make a Quart d’ escu, and
twenty soulz make a francke, and sixty soulz make a
French crowne, and twelve deniers make a soulz. Yet
a gold French crowne in specie, (that is, in kind) is changed
for sixty five soulz. As in like sort in England, a French
crowne is worth no more then six shillings, and the
English Angell is worth no more then 1 1 shillings in
common estemation, yet he that brings a weighty a French
crowne in specie to the Gold-smyths, they will give him
sixe shilling six pence for it, and he that brings to them
an old Angell of gold, they will give him 1 1 . shillings
and six pence, or more for it. And in the last civill
warre, the value of the French crowne was raised to 120,
m. 11 161
A.D.
I617.
At Con-
stantinople.
[I. iii. 294.]
Of the divers
moneys of
France.
L
A.D.
1617.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
soulz, till the King reduced the same to the old value
after the warre composed. The same King Henry the
fourth since that time raised the value of gold crownes,
to the end he might draw backe his gold which was
carried into forraine parts. My selfe passing through
Lorayne, before the French civil warre was fully appeased,
did at Monwicke, upon the confines of Lorayne and
Germany, exchange a French crowne for foure franckes
and nine grosh, and shortly after comming to Shallons,
exchanged a French crowne for no more then sixty soulz,
so as I guesse that either the Franckes of Loraine differ
from the Franckes of France, or that the tumult of the
warre, and the making of peace shortly after, made this
difference.
Of the divers measures of miles, through divers
parts of the world.
The difference
of miles.
Italian.
English.
F Urther being to write of the divers measures of miles,
through the divers parts of the World, it seemed good
to me to adde the measure of miles, vulgarly received,
namely that five Italian miles, or three French, or two and
a halfe English, make one Dutch mile, and that one Dutch
mile and a halfe makes a mile of Sweitzerland.
It remaines now that according to my owne experience,
I should speake something of the divers kindes of miles.
And in generall, this my opinion hath respect to the
difficult or easie passages of the way, since even in
England, the miles seeme, and indeed are more short,
neere London, where the waies are faire and plaine, and
frequently inhabited, as they seeme, and indeed are more
long and tedious, through the desart places of the North,
over mountaines, and through uninhabited and difficult
passages.
The Romans of old held a thousand paces for a mile,
and such are the miles of Italie.
A common English mile makes one & a halfe Italian,
but towards the North, & in some particular places of
162
OF THE MEASURES OF MILES
England, the miles are longer, among which the Kentish
mile (being a Southerne County) is proverbially held to
be extraordinarily long.
The Irish miles among the English, and the Irish-
English are answerable to the English ; howsoever for
the solitary and disinhabited wayes, and many foards often
overflowed, they are more troublesome to passe.
In like sort the miles of Scotland, answere to the
Northerne miles of England, save that the frequent
climing of mountaines, and the unbeaten waies, make
them seeme longer, and indeed require more time for the
passage.
Villamont a French gentleman in the book of his travels
witnesseth, that one French mile containes two Italian
miles.
The common Germain mile, being for the most part in
plaines, makes more then three English, or five Italian
miles; but in some places the solitude of Woods, and the
ascent of Mountaines, make the miles of Germany seeme
much longer, and Suevia extraordinarily hath long miles,
though it be a plaine Countrey. The miles of Switzer-
land, being over continuall Mountaines, are so long, as
passengers distinguish their journey more by the spaces
of howers, then by the distances or numbers of miles.
And I remember, that finding no horse to be hired, I
went on foote from Scaphusen to Zurech, which journey
I was going ten howers, being accounted but foure miles.
And in Rhaetia among the Grisons, upon the confines of
Italy, one mile is held for sixe Italian miles. And upon
the foote of the Alpes towards the North, one mile is
accounted for seven miles and a halfe of Italy, where
having a good horse, I could ride with an ordinarie pace
no more then one Dutch mile in foure howers space. By
which appeares, that the measure of miles is very
uncertaine among the Sweitzers, who for the most part
reckon their journeys by howers riding, or going with
an ordinary pace, and not by miles.
The miles of Bohemia and Moravia are no lesse tedious,
163
A.D.
1617.
Irish.
Scottish.
French.
German.
[I. iii. 295
Bohemia.
A.D.
1617.
Flemish.
Danish.
Polonian.
Turkish.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and I remember, that my selfe passing there on horseback,
did commonly ride no more then foure miles in a dayes
journey. And howsoever the length of the Sweitzers and
Bohemian miles may in part be attributed to the climbing
of Mountaines, and bad waies, yet no such reason can
be given for the miles of Moravia, which Country is either
a plaine, or little pleasant Hilles, and the waies faire, and
the Countrey well inhabited.
The Low-Countrey miles are of a middle length
betweene the German and French miles. But in the very
County of Holland they differ much one from another,
since foure miles of great Holland make sixe miles of
little Holland. And I remember, that about the Citie
Horne, I esteemed each mile longer then three English.
Also next to the Holland miles, those of Freesland are
longer then the rest.
A mile of Denmark is somewhat longer then three
English miles, and answereth to the common mile of
Germany.
The miles of Poland generally are like the miles of
Denmarke, but they differ in length one from the other.
For I remember, that in Prussia each dayes journy I
passed by coach some seven miles, and in middle Poland
nine or ten miles, but in upper Poland towards Germany
I commonly rode on horse-back no more then five miles
or there-abouts each day, in my passage from Crakaw to
Moravia. In Russia among the Moscovites confining
upon Poland, a mile is called a ferse, and answeres to five
Italian miles, or one common mile of Germany.
In Turkey those that guide Christians, having the
Italian tongue, doe in my opinion number the miles to
them, much after the Italian manner.
164
The Rebellion
[ii. i. i.]
of Hugh Earle of Tyrone, and the appeasing
thereof ; writen in forme of
a Journall.
PART II. BOOKE I.
Chap. I.
Of the Induction or Preface to my Irish Journall,
and a compendious narration, how Charles
Blount, Lord Mountjoy (my Lord and Master
of happy memorie) was chosen Lord Deputy
of Ireland ; and of this worthy Lords qualitie,
as also of the Councels in generall, by which he
broke the Rebels hearts, and gave peace to that
troubled State. Together with his particular
actions in the end of the yeere 1599.
T my returne from Scotland about the
month of September in the yeere 1598,
I retyred my selfe to Healing (my deare
Sister Faith Mussendines house, being
situate neere the South banke of Humber,
in the Countie of Lincolne.) In which
place (and my deare sister Jane Alingtons
house neere adjoyning) whilest I passed an idle yeere, I
had a pleasing opportunitie to gather into some order out
165
Faith
Mussendine.
Jane
Alington.
A.D.
II69.
Hugh Earle of
Tyrone.
[II. i. 2.]
Ann. 1 1 69.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
of confused and torne writings, the particular observations
of my former Travels, to bee after more delibrately
digested at leasure. After this yeere spent in Countrey
solace, the hopes of preferment drew me into Ireland.
Of which journey being to write in another manner, then
I have formerly done of other Countries, namely, rather
as a Souldier, then as a Traveler, as one abiding in Campes,
more then in Cities, as one lodging in Tents, more then
in Innes ; to my former briefe discourse of the journeys
through England and Scotland, I have of purpose added
there, out of my ordinary course, the like of Ireland, onely
for travellers instruction.
I am now to treate of the famous and most dangerous
Rebellion of Hugh, Earle of Tyrone, calling himselfe,
The Oneale, (a fatall name to the chiefe of the sept or
Family of the Oneales), and this I will doe, according
to the course of the former Part namely, in this place
not writing Historically, but making only a Journall, or
bare narration of daily accidents, and for the rest referring
the discourse of Ireland for all particulars to the severall
heads, wherein each point is joyntly handled, through all
the Dominions of which I have written. Onely in this
place for the better understanding of that which I princi-
pally purpose to write, I must crave leave to fetch some
short remembrances (by the way of preface) higher then
the time of my owne being in Ireland, in the Lord
Mountjoy his Governement.
About the yeere 1169 (not to speake of the kind of
subjection which the Irish are written to have acknow-
ledged, to Gurguntius, and some Brittan Kings), Henry
the 2 being himself distracted with French affaires, gave
the Earle of Strangbow leave by letters Patents, to aide
Dermot Morrogh King of Lemster, against the King of
Meath. And this Earle marrying Eva, the daughter of
Dermot, was at his death made by him heire of his
Kingdome. Shortly after King Henrie himselfe landed
at Waterford, and whilst he abode in Ireland, first Dermott
MacCarthy, King of Corcke, and the South part of
166
A PREFACE TO THE HISTORY
A.D.
Mounster, and Dunewald Obrian King of Limrick, and
the North part of Mounster, then Orwark King of Meath,
and Roderick King of Connaght, (by singular priviledge
over the rest, called the King of Ireland), and the above
named King of Lemster yet living, did yeeld themselves
vassals unto King Henrie, who for the time was saluted
Lord of Ireland (the title of King being first assumed by
acte of Parliament to King Henrie the eight many yeeres
after.) In the said Henrie the seconds raigne, Sir John
de Courcy with foure hundred voluntary English souldiers
sent over, did in five battailes subdue Ulster, and stretcht
the bounds of the English pale as farre as Dunluce in
the most Northerne parts of Ulster.
About 1204, John Courcy of English bloud, Earle of
Ulster and Connaght, did rebel, and was subdued by
Hugh Lacy. About 1210 the Lacies of English bloud
rebelling, were subdued by King John, who after some
three moneths stay returned backe into England, where
the Lacies found friends to be restored to their Earledome
of Ulster. About 1291 O-Hanlon & some Ulster Lords
troubling the peace, were suppressed by the English
Colonies. From 1315 to 1318 the Scots made great
combustions in Ireland to whom many Irish families
joyned themselves, and both were subdued by the English
Colonies. In the yeere 1339 generall warre was betweene
the English Colonies and the Irish, in which infinite
number of the Irish perished. Hitherto Ireland was
governed by a Lord Justice, who held the place sometimes
for few yeeres, sometimes for many. In the yeere 1340,
John Darcy, an Englishman, was made Justice for life,
and the next yeere did exercise the place by his owne
Deputy (which neither before nor after I find to have
been granted to any, but some few of the Royall
bloud.)
About the yeere 1341, the English-Irish (or English
Colonies), being degenerated, first began to be enemies
to the English, and themselves calling a Parliament, wrote
to the King, that they would not indure the insolencies
167
1339 -
Ulster
subdued.
Anno 1339 .
The English-
Irish enemies
to the English.
A.D.
1400.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The Duke of
Clarence
made Lord
Lieutenant.
Ann. i^oo.
Richard II.
[II. i. 3.]
of his Ministers, yet most of the Justices hitherto were
of the English-Irish (or English, borne in Ireland.)
About the yeere 1361, Leonel, Duke of Clarence, was
made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and sometimes left
his Deputy to governe it. This Duke being Earle of
Ulster and Lord of Connaght by the right of his wife,
came over with an Army of some 1500 by pole, and
quieted the borders of the English Pale in low Lemster.
He reformed the English-Irish, growne barberous (by
imbracing the tyrannicall Lawes of the Irish, most profit-
able to them, which caused them likewise to take Irish
names, and to use their language and apparrell.) To
which purpose good Lawes were made in Parliament, and
great reformation followed, aswell therein, as in the power
of the English, for the seven yeeres of his Lieutenancy,
and after, till the fatall warres of Yorke and Lancaster
Houses. And hitherto most of the Justices were English-
Irish.
About the yeere 1400, Richard the second, in the
eighteenth yeere of his Raigne, came with an Army of
foure thousand men at Armes, and thirtie thousand
Archers, fully to subdue the Irish : but pacified by their
submissions, and no act of moment otherwise done, he
returned with his Army into England. After, to revenge
the death of the Earle of March his Lieutenant, he came
againe with a like Army : but was suddenly recalled by
the arrivall of Henry the 4 in England. During the
said Kings Raigne, Ireland was governed by his Lord
Lieutenants, sent from England, and in the Raignes of
Hen. the 4, and Hen. the 5, by Justices for the most
part chosen of the English-Irish, only the Lord Scroope
for 8 yeres was Deputy to Thomas the second son to
Hen. the 4, who was L. Lieutenant of Ireland.
This I write out of the Annals of Ireland printed by
Camden. In which, from the first Conquest of Ireland,
to the following warres betweene the Houses of Yorke
and Lancaster in England, I find small or no mention of
the Oneals greatnesse among the Irish Lords. And I
168
A PREFACE TO THE HISTORY
A.D.
1400.
find very rare mention of any seditions in Ulster, especially
among the Northerne Irish, so as that Province, from
the first Conquest to these civill English warres, doth
thereby seeme to have beene one of the most peaceable
and most subject to the English. Neither reade I therein,
of great forces or summes of mony sent out of England
into Ireland, (except voluntaries, and the cursary journeys
of King John and King Richard the second) ; but rather
that for the most part all seditions as well betweene the
English-Irish, and the meere Irish, as between the
English-Irish themselves, were pacified by the forces and
expences of the same Kingdome.
During the said civill warre betweene Yorke and
Lancaster, for England, most of the Noble Families were
wasted, and some destroied ; whereupon the English Irish,
which hitherto had valiantly maintained their Conquest,
now began to repaire into England, partly to beare out
the factions, partly to inherit the Lands of their Kinsmen,
of whom they were discended : And the meere Irish
boldly rushed into the possessions, which the other had
left void in Ireland. And from that time, under the
governement of English Liefetenants and Deputies,
seditions and murthers grew more frequent, the authority
of the English Kings became lesse esteemed of the
Irish, then in former times, and the English Pale had
sometimes larger, sometimes straighter limits, according
to the divers successes of the Irish affaires at divers
times.
After the appeasing of the said bloody warre, I finde
some 1000 men sent over by Henry the seventh to
suppresse Perkin Warbeck, an English Rebell, and 500
men sent by Henry the eight to suppresse the Geraldines
of English race, rebelling against him. Otherwise the
said Annals mention no great or generall rebellion in
Ireland, especially such, by which either much blood of
the English was spilt, or much of our treasure exhausted,
till the happy raigne of Queene Elizabeth. For in this
onely age, Religion rather then Liberty first began to be
169
The civill
warre
betweene
Yorke and
Lancaster.
Perkin
W arbeck.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
made the cloake of ambition, and the Roman Locusts, to
maintaine the Popes usurped power, breathed every where
her and sword, and not onely made strong combinations
against those of the reformed religion in all Kingdomes,
but were not ashamed to proclaime and promise Heaven
for a reward, to such cut-throates as should lay violent
hands on the sacred persons of such Princes, as opposed
their tyranny. Amongst which, this famous Queene
being of greatest power, and most happy in successe
against them ; they not only left nothing unattempted
against her sacred person, and her Crowne of England,
but whither incouraged by the blind zeale of the ignorant
Irish to Popery, or animated by an old Prophesie
He that will England winne,
Must with Ireland first beginne,
did also raise two strong and dangerous rebellions in
Ireland, the one of the Earle of Desmond, & the other
of the Earle of Tyrone, (not to speake of the troubles
made by Shane Oneale, the easie setling whereof shall
be onely mentioned in the treating of Tyrones Ancestors.)
Howbeit the wonted generall peace seemes to have con-
tinued till after the 19. yeere of the Queenes raigne, being
Anno 1577. 1577 : at which time the Lords of Connaght, and Ororke,
for their particular, made a composition for their lands
with Sir Nicholas Malby, Governour of that Province,
wherein they were content to yeeld unto the Queen so
large a rent, and such services, (both of labourers to worke
upon occasion of fortifying, and of horse and foote to
serve upon occasion of war), as it seems the Popish
combinations had not yet wrought in them any alienation
of mind from their wonted awe and reverence of the
Crowne of England.
The rebellion Touching the rebellion of Gerald Earle of Desmond :
of the Earle of John Gerald the sonne of Thomas (whose Progenitors of
Desmond. English race, had long behaved themselves valiantly in
subduing the Irish) had Kildare given him by King
A.D.
^ 77 -
Papists
combinations .
A PREFACE TO THE HISTORY
Edward the second, with title of an Earle. And this
Family of the Fitz Geralds, or Geraldens, (as they are
now called) long flourished, (not onely keeping Ireland
in obedience to the King ; but infesting the sea coasts
of the Welsh, not yet united to the Crowne of England,)
and never raised armes against England, till Thomas Fitz
Gerald, the sonne of Gerald Fitz Gerald, Earle of Kildare,
and Lord Deputy of Ireland, under King Henry the eight,
(whom the King had called into England, and there
brought in question for his ill Governement), hearing by
light and false rumour that his father was executed, rashly
tooke Armes against the King, inviting the Emperor
Charles the fifth to invade Ireland, which he in the meane
time wasted with fire and sword. This Thomas and five
of his Uncles were shortly after hanged, the father being
before dead of griefe. But Queene Marie restored this
Family to honour and lands, though they never after
recovered their former dignity. Of these Geralds
most of the greatest Lords in Mounster are descended,
(though for divers causes, many of them have taken
other Sirnames) and particularly the Earles of
Desmond.
Maurice Fitz-thomas a Geraldine was first created Earle
of Desmond by Edward the third. Of whose posteritie
many excelled in wealth, vertue, and honourable reputa-
tion, farre extending their power. But James invaded
his Nephewes inheritance by force, and imposed heavy
exactions on all depending upon him, whose sonne
Thomas following his fathers steps, was by the Lord
Deputie beheaded in the yeere 1467 : his sonnes were
restored, and the Earledome remained in his posterity,
till Gerald Earle of Desmond in the yeere 1578 rebelled
against Queene Elizabeth. To whose aide certaine bands
of Italians and Spaniards, sent by Pope Gregory the
twelfth, and Philip King of Spaine, landed at Smerwic,
who besieged by the Lord Arthur Grey, then Lord
Deputy, in a Fort they had built, and called the Fort del
ore, shortly after yeelded themselves, in the yeere 1583,
A.D.
1 578 -
[II. i. 4.]
Maurice
Fitz-thomas
first Earle of
Desmond.
Ann. 1578.
A.D.
1583 .
The
Earledovie
of Desmond-
adjudged to
the Crowne.
Land grants
in Kerry and
Desmond.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and were put to the sword, as the necessitie of that State,
and their manner of invading the land, was then said to
require. And the Earle of Desmond flying into the
Woods, was there in a cottage killed, and his head cut
off, (being, as they say, betrayed by his owne followers,
wherein the Ulster men challenge an honour of faithful-
nesse to their Lords, above those of Mounster ; for in
the following warres none of them could be induced by
feare or reward, to lay hands on their reverenced Oneale.)
Thus with an Army of sixe thousand men, whereof some
foure-thousand were newly sent over at divers times, this
Rebellion of Desmond in Mounster was soone appeased.
The Earledome of Desmond was by authoritie of Parlia-
ment adjudged to the Crowne, and made a County, with
Sheriffes appointed yeerely to be chosen by the Lord
Deputie.
Upon the attainter of the said Earle of Des-j
mond and his confederats, all the lands falling to| 574628
the Crowne, were in Acres of English measure (Acres,
about ------ - -j
Hereof great part was restored to the offenders, as to
Patrick Condon his Countrey, to the White Knight his
Countrey, to some of the Geraldines, and to other their
confederats no small portions. The rest was divided into
Seigniories, granted by letters patents to certaine English
Knights and Esquires, which upon this gift, and the con-
ditions whereunto they were tied, had the common name
of Undertakers.
In Kerry and Desmond, by patent,
to Sir William Harbert, to Charol
Harbert, to Sir Valentine Browne,
to Sir Edward Denny, besides an
uncertaine portion to George Stone
and John Chapman and their heires,
were granted -
30560 Acres with
yeerely rents five
hundred foure and
twentie pound sixe
shillings eight pence
sterling.
1 7 2
A PREFACE TO THE HISTORY
In Limerick by Patent to Sir
Henrie Billinsley, to William Carter,
to Edmund Mannering, to William
Trenchard, to Sr. George Bourcher,
to Sr. George Thornton, to Richard
Fitton, to Robert Annesley, to
Edward Barkley, to Sir Henry
Uthered, to Sir William Courtney,
to Robert Strowde, and to their
heires, were granted - - -
In Corke, by patent to Vane'
Beacher, to Henrie North, to Arthur
Rawlins, to Arthur Hide, to Hugh
Cuffe, to Sir Thomas Noris, to
96165 Acres, with
rents nine hundred
three & thirty pound
foure shillings halfe
penny, sterling.
88037 Acres, with
rents five hundred
Warham Sent-leger, to S Thomas It welve pound seven
Stoyes, to Master Spencer, to Thomas
Fleetwood, and Marmaduke Ed-
munds, and to their heires were
granted -
shillings sixe pence
halfe penny sterling.
A.D.
1583 .
Land grants
in Limerick.
Land grants
in Corke.
In Waterford and Tipperary by’
Patent to the Earle of Ormond, to
Sir Christopher Hatton, to Sir
Edward Fitton, to Sir Walter
Rawleigh, and to their heires were
granted -
22910 Acres with
rent three hundred
and three pound,
three pence sterling.
These Undertakers did not people these Seigniories
granted them and their heires by Patent, (as they were
bound) with well affected English, but either sold them
to English Papists, (such as were most turbulent, and so
being daily troubled and questioned by the English
Magistrate, were like to give the most money for the
Irish land) or otherwise disposed them to their best profit,
without respect of the publike good : neither did they
build Castles, and doe other things (according to their
covenants) for the publike good, but onely sought their
private ends, and so this her Majesties bounty to them,
turned not to the strengthning, but rather to the weaken-
[II. i. 5.]
Land grants
in Waterford
and
Tipperary.
173
A.D.
1583 -
Ty rones
Rebellion.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
ing of the English Governement in that Province of
Mounster.
Touching the Rebellion of the Earle of Tyrone, the
worthy Antiquary Camden mentioneth Neale the Great,
tyrannising in Ulster, and great part of Ireland, before
the comming of Saint Patrick into that Kingdome, about
the yeere of our Lord 431, adding that this Family not-
withstanding lived after more obscurely, not onely till
the English entered to conquer Ireland, about the yeere
1169: but after that, to the time that the Scots under
Edward Bruce, attempted to conquer that Kingdome,
about the yeere 1318. In which turbulent time, Done-
valdus O Neale started up, and in his letters to the Pope
stiled himselfe King of Ulster, and true Heire of all
Ireland. Further, Camden addeth, that after the appeas-
ing of these troubles, this new King vanished, and his
posteritie lurked in obscuritie, till the Civill warres of
England, betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster.
The seede whereof was sowne by Henry the fourth of
Lancaster Family, deposing Richard the second of Yorke
Family, and usurping the Crowne, though Henrie the
fourth and his sonne Henrie the fifth by their valour so
maintained this usurpation, as no Civill warre brake forth
in their time, nor so long as the noble Brothers of Henrie
the fifth, and Uncles to Henrie the sixth lived. After,
betweene Henrie the sixth of Lancaster Family, and
Edward the fourth of Yorke Family, this bloudy war
was long continued, but ended in the death of the next
successor Richard the third, a double Usurper, both of
the House of Lancaster, and the Heires of his Brother
Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke. After, in
the marriage of Henrie the seventh with the Daughter
and Heire of Edward the fourth, both these Houses were
united ; and so this bloudie warre well ended. From
this time, behold the Pedigree of the Oneales.
174
PEDIGREE OF THE O’NEILLS
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178
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
dissembling subtile and profound wit. So as many
deemed him borne, either for the great good or
ill of his Countrey. In an Irish Parliament he
put up his petition, that by vertue of the letters
Patents granted to his Grand-father, to his Father
& his heires, he might there have the place and title of
the Earle of Tyrone, and be admitted to this his inherit-
ance. The title and place were there granted to him,
but the inheritance (in regard the Kings of England by
the attainder of Shane, were thereof invested) was referred
to the Queenes pleasure. For the obtaining whereof, Sir
John Perrot then Lord Deputie, upon his promise of a
great rent to be reserved to the Crowne, gave him his
letters of recommendation into England, where he so well
knew to humour the Court, as in the yeere 1587 he got
the Queenes Letters Pattents under the great Seale of
England, for the Earledome of Tyre-Oen, without any
reservation of the rent he had promised to the L. Deputy,
wherwith, though his Lordship were offended, in that
the Pattent was not passed in Ireland, and so the said
rent omitted, yet in reverence to the great Lords, who
had procured this grant in England, he did forbeare to
oppose the same. The conditions of this grant were,
that the bounds of Tyrone should be limited ; That one
or two places (namely, that of Blackwater) should be
reserved for the building of Forts, and keeping of
Garrisons therein ; That the sonnes of Shane and Tirlogh
should be provided for ; and that he should challenge no
authoritie over the neighbour Lords bordering upon
Tyrone, or any where out of that County. And such
were his indeavours in the Queenes service, such his
protestations of faith and thankfulnesse, as Tirlogh
Linnogh, by the Queenes intercession, was induced (upon
certain conditions for his maintenance) to surrender the
County, and all command in those parts unto him.
The Spanish (forsooth) invincible Navy, sent to invade
England, in the yeere 1588, being dispersed, and proving
nothing lesse then invincible, many of them were wrecked
179
A.D.
I588.
Sir John
Perrot , Lord
Deputie.
[II. i. 8.]
Ann . 1588
A.D.
1589.
Anno 1589 .
Sir William
Fitz-williams
Lord Deputie.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
on the Coasts of Ireland, whereof some were harboured
by the Earle of Tyrone, with whom since he was thought
to have plotted the following mischiefes.
And shortly after (in the end of this yeere, or beginning
of the next) Sir John Perrot being revoked, Sir William
Fitz-williams, was sent Lord Deputy into Ireland. I
have heard that he having been formerly Lord Deputy,
when he returned and sued for recompence of his service,
a great Lord should answer him, that such imployments
were preferments, and not services to challenge reward :
And therefore, if in this new imployment any shall thinke
that he followed this counsell, seeking to make it a pre-
ferment to him and his family, I doe not much marvell
thereat. This I write of hearesay, but as in the generall
relation following, I purpose to write nothing which is
not warranted either by relations presented to the Queene,
by the principall Councellers of Ireland, or by Letters
interchanged betweene the States of England and Ireland,
or like authenticall writings ; so for the particular of the
above named Lord Deputy, if perhaps some may thinke
any thing observed by me to derogate from him, I protest,
that whatsoever I write is in like sort warranted, and
may not be omitted without the scandall of Historical!
integrity, being objections frequently made by the Rebels,
for excuse of their disloyalty, aswell in all their petitions,
as treaties of peace : But howsoever I cannot but mention
these imputations, yet I advise the Reader to judge of
them, as objections of the Rebels, who in their nature
are clamorous, and could no way make their excuse so
plausible, as by scandalizing the chiefe Governor. And
I further protest, that as I shall in the due place once
mention an honorable answer of this L. Deputy, to part
of the chief complaints made by the Irish against
him, so I would most willingly have inserted his full
justification, if any such memoriall had come to my
hands.
Sir William Fitz-williams, being Lord Deputy of
Ireland, Sir John Norreys was Lord President of
180
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Mounster, (who made his brother Sir Thomas his Vice-
president), and Sir Richard Bingham was Governor of
Connaght. This Lord Deputy now againe entering the
governement of Ireland, that Kingdome was in the best
estate that it had beene in of long time, not only peaceable
and quiet, (so as any the greatest Lord called by letter
or messenger, readily came to the State there, and none
of them were knowm to be any way discontented), but
also most plentifull in corne, cattel, and all manner of
victuals. But within three moneths after his taking of
the sword, some Irish informed him, that the above
named Spaniards, last yeere wrecked on the Coasts of
Connaght and Ulster, had left with the Inhabitants (in
whose hands they fell) great store of treasure and other
riches. This the Lord Deputy (as the Irish say) did
greedily seeke to get into his hands, but surely he pre-
tended the Queenes service, as may appeare by a com-
mission, by which he first assaied to sease the same. This
not taking any effect, he tooke a journey himselfe into
those parts, with charge to the Queene and Countrey (as
they said) and that in an unseasonable time of the yeere,
after Allhallontide. Where altogether failing of his
purpose, he brought thence with him as prisoners, two
of the best affected Gentlemen to the State in those parts,
whom he deemed to possesse the greatest part of those
riches, namely, Sir Owen mac Tooly (father in law to the
Earle of Tyrone, who had long enjoied a yeerely pension
of one hundred pound from the Queene, and had kept
Odonnel in a good course of opposition against Tyrlogh
Lynnogh Oneale) and Sir John Odoghorty, (of Ulster
Lords best affected to the English.) Wherof the first
refusing (as they object) to pay for his inlargement, con-
tinued prisoner til the beginning of Sir William Russels
governement, who in pitty discharged him, but the old
gentlemans heart was first broken, so as shortly after he
died. The second was released after two yeeres restraint,
not without paying for his liberty, (as the Irish say). At
this hard usage of those two Ulster gentlemen, all the
181
A.D.
1589.
Ireland,
peaceable and
quiet.
Sir Owen
Mac Tooly
and Sir John
Odoghorty
taken
prisoners by
the Lord
Deputy.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
I59 °’
great men of the Irish, (especially in those Northerne
parts) did much repine.
Ann. 1590. In the moneth of May 1590, the Earle of Tyrone came
into England, where he was after an easie manner
restrained of his liberty, because he came without the
[II. i. 9.] Lord Deputies Licence, which fault repaired by his sub-
mission, he was freed of his restraint. In the moneth
The Earle of of June, the Earle agreed before the Lords, to enter bonds
Tyrone agrees with good sureties of the Pale, to keepe peace with all
to kcepe peace, Neighbours, namely Sir Tirlogh Lynnogh (who since
the renouncing the title of Oneale, and yeelding at the
Queenes intercession, the governement of those parts to
the Earle, was Knighted) ; and at his returne to put in
pledges, to be chosen by the Lord Deputy and Counsell,
for more assurance hereof, and of his loyalty, as also the
performance of certaine Articles signed by him : Provided
that the pledges should not lie in the Castle, but with
some gentlemen in the Pale, or Merchants in Dublyn,
and might be changed every three moneths, during her
Majesties pleasure.
The Articles. The Articles were to this effect : To continue loyall
and keepe the peace: To renounce the title of Oneale,
and all intermedling with the Neighbour Lords : That
Tyrone should be limited, and made a shire or two, with
Gaoles to be built for holding of Sessions : Not to foster
with any neighbour Lord, or any gentleman out of his
Countrey, not to give aid to the Hand and Irish-Scots,
nor take any of them : That if for his defence he needed
forces, he shall levy none out of his Countrey without
speciall licence of the State, in which case he might have
English bands. To conclude, with the Lord Deputy
within ten moneths, about a composition of rents and
services to her Majesty for all his Countrey, according to
the above mentioned composition of Connaght, made in
the yeere 1577. Not to impose any exactions without
licence of the State on his Country above ordinary, except
it be for necessary forces for his defence, and that also with
licence : Not to make any roades into Neighbour
182
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
Countreys, except they be within five dayes after a prey
taken : That none of his Countrey receive any stelths
from Neighbour-Countreys, nor steale from them, but
he to bring forth the theeves, or drive them out of
Tyrone : That he execute no man, except it be by Com-
mission from the Lord Deputy, under the broad seale
for martial law, and that to be limitted. That his Troope
of 50 horse in her Majesties pay, be kept compleat for
her service ; and that besides he answer a rising out at
every generall hosting. That he meddle not with
spirituall livings, nor lay any charge on them. Not to
maintaine any Monkes or Friers in his Countrey : Not to
have intelligence with forraine traytors. That he take
no blacke rent of any Neighbours. To cause the wearing
of English apparell, and that none of his men weare
glibbes (or long haire) : That he answere tor his brother
Tyrlogh Mac Henry, Captaine of the Fewes : That in
time of necessity he sell victuall to the Fort of Blacke-
water. These he promised to performe upon his honour
before the Lords in England, and that his pledges to be
put in, should lie for performance of them, to his power.
And order was given, that all the Neighbour Lords should
be drawne to like conditions, that so they might not
spoile Tyrone.
In the moneth of July 1590, Con mac Shane, (that
is, the son of Shane Oneale,) accused Hugh Earle of
Tyrone, of many practices, to make himselfe great in
the North, and that after the wrecke of the above named
Spaniards, he conspired with those which fell into his
hands, about a league with the King of Spaine, to aid
him against the Queene. These Articles the Earle
answered before the Lords in England, denying them,
and avowing the malice of Con to proceed of her Majesties
raising him to be Earle of Tyrone, and Cons desire to
usurpe the name of Oneale, as his father had done, which
name he laboured to extinguish. He could have spoken
nothing more pleasing to this State (as he well knew),
and therefore his answere was approved : But the event
183
1 59 °*
The Articles.
Ann. 1590 .
Con mac
Shane's
accusation.
A.D.
1590 .
Death of Sir
Tyrlogh
Lynnogh.
[II. i. 10.]
Shane
Oneale' s sons.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
shewed his dissembling ; for within two or three yeeres,
Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh died, and then the Earle tooke this
title of Oneale to himselfe, (which was treason by act of
Parliament in Ireland,) still excusing himselfe subtilly that
he tooke it upon him, lest some other should usurpe it,
promising to renounce it, yet beseeching that he might
not be urged to promise it upon oath. Camden affirmes
that Hugh ne-Gavelocke, bastard to Shane Oneale,
exhibited these Articles against the Earle, who after got
him into his hands, and caused him to be hanged, (hardly
finding any, in regard of the generall reverence borne to
the blood of the Oneals, who would doe the office of
hangman,) and that the Queene pardoned the Earle for
this fact. I doubt not but he writes upon good ground,
and I find good warrant for that I write the same to be
exhibited by Con mac Shane, and both may be reconciled
by the exhibiting of the petition by Hugh, in the name
of Con.
Sure I am that the Earle durst never enter into
rebellion, till he had gotten the sons of Shane Oneale to
be his prisoners. Two of them, in this time of Sir
William Fitz-williams his governement, were now in the
Castle of Dublyn, and if they had beene safely kept, they
being true heires of Tyrone before their fathers rebellion,
would have beene a strong bridle to keepe the Earle in
obedience : But they together with Phillip Oreighly, (a
dangerous practiser), and with the eldest sonne and heire
of old Odonnel, (both imprisoned by Sir John Perrot, in
his governement), shortly after escaped out of prison,
being all prisoners of great moment, whose inlargement
gave apparant overture to ensuing rebellion. Neither did
the Irish spare to affirme, that their escape was wrought
by corruption, because one Segar, Constable of the Castle
of Dublin by Patent, having large offers made him to
permit the escape of Oreighly, and acquainting the
Lord Deputy therewith, was shortly after displaced,
and one Maplesdon, servant to the Lord Deputy,
was put in his place, in whose time those prisoners
184
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
escaped. To returne to the orderly course of my
relation.
The Earle on the last of August, and the same yeere
1590, did before the Lord Deputy and Counsell of
Ireland, confirme the above mentioned Articles, sent
thither out of England, faithfully promising by word and
under his hand, to performe them. But still he delaied
and put off the performance, by letters unto both States,
intreating that equall security might be taken of Sir
Tyrlogh Lynnogh, and in generall of all the bordering
Lords, (which he knew at that time most difficult to effect),
and by many subtile shifts, whereof he had plenty.
About this time Mac Mahown, Chiefetaine of
Monaghan died, who in his life time had surrendered this
his Countrey, held by Tanistry the Irish law, into her
Majesties hands, and received a regrant thereof, under
the broad seale of England, to him and his heires males,
and for default of such, to his brother Hugh Roe mac
Mahowne, with other remainders. And this man dying
without heires males, his said brother came up to the
State, that he might be setled in his inheritance, hoping
to be countenanced and cherished as her Majesties
Patentee, but he found (as the Irish say) that he could
not be admitted, till he had promised to give about sixe
hundred Cowes (for such and no other are the Irish
bribes). After he was imprisoned (the Irish say for failing
in part of this payment), and within few daies, againe
inlarged ; with promise that the Lord Deputy himselfe
would go to settle him in his Countrey of Monaghan,
whither his Lordship tooke his journey shortly after, with
him in his company. At their first arrivall, the gentle-
man was clapt in bolts, and within two dayes after, indited,
arraigned, and executed, at his owne house all done (as
the Irish said) by such Officers, as the Lord Deputy carried
with him to that purpose. The Irish said, he was found
guilty by a Jury of Souldiers, but no gentlemen or free-
holders, and that of them foure English souldiers were
suffered to goe and come at pleasure, but the other being
185
A.D.
1590 .
The Articles
confirmed.
Ann. 1 590 .
Death of
Mac Mahown
Chieftaine of
Monaghan.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
I 59°-
The Ferney
divided.
in. i. i,.]
Complaint
against the
Lord Deputy.
Irish kerne, were kept straight, and starved, till they
found him guilty. The treason for which he was con-
demned, was because some two yeeres before, he pre-
tending a rent due unto him out of the Ferney, upon
that pretence, levied forces, and so marching into the
Ferney in warlike manner, made a distresse for the same,
(which by the English law may perhaps be treason, but
in that Countrey never before subject to law, it was
thought no rare thing, nor great offence). The greatest
part of the Countrey was divided, betweene foure gentle-
men of that name, under a yeerely rent to the Queene,
and (as they said) not without payment of a good fine
under hand. The Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll had part
of the Countrey, Captaine Henslowe was made Seneshall
of the Countrey, and had the gentlemans chiefe house,
with a portion of land, and to divers others smaller
portions of land were assigned, and the Irish spared not
to say, that these men were all the contrivers of his death,
and that every one paid something for his share. Here-
upon the Irish of that name, besides the former allegations,
exclaimed that their kinsman was trecherously executed,
to intitle the Queene to his land, and to extinguish the
name of Mac Mahowne, and that his substance was
divided betweene the Lord Deputy and the Marshall,
yea, that a pardon was offered to one of the Jury for
his son, being in danger of the Law, upon condition hee
would consent to find this his kinsman guilty.
Great part of these exclamations was contained in a
complaint exhibited, against the Lord Deputy after his
returne into England, to the Lords of her Majesties
Councell, about the end of the yeere 1595, in the name
of Mac Guire, and Ever Mac Cooly (one of the Mac
Mahownes, & chiefe over the Irish in the Ferny.) To
which Sir William Fitz Williams, then sicke at his house,
sent his answere in writing. There first he avowes to
the Lords, that the fact of Mac Mahowne, was first
adjudged treason in England, and that his calling in
question for it was directed from thence, and for the
186
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
manner of proceeding herein, not prescribed, that it was
just, and contrary to their calumnious allegations, who
complained against him. He further answered, that the
most part of the Countrey was not bestowed on the
Marshall Sir Henrie Bagnall, but that seven of the chiefe
in that Countrey had the greatest part of it, that three
hundred Freeholders were raised to her Majestie, with
eight hundred pound yeerely rent, and that all the Country
seemed then glad of his execution, and joyfully received
the English Lawes. The rest of the complaint he denied,
and for the bribe of Cowes in particular, did avow, that
Ever Mac Cooly, one of the plaintiffes, offered him seven
thousand Cowes to make him chiefe of the name, when
he might have learned, that his mind was not so poore,
to preferre Cowes or any bribes before the Queenes
service.
To returne to our purpose, certaine it is, that upon
Mac Mahownes execution, heart-burnings and lothings of
the English governement, began to grow in the Northerne
Lords against the State, and they shunned as much as
they could, to admit any Shiriffes, or any English to live
among them, pretending to feare like practises to over-
throw them.
The sixteenth of July 1591, the Earle of Tirone wrote
unto the Lords of England, excusing himselfe, that Sir
Tirlogh Lynnogh was wounded by his men, while he
sought to prey his Countrey. In the same moneth he
suffered his Countrey of Tyrone to be made Shire ground,
being by certaine Commissioners bounded on every side,
and divided into 8 Baronies, and the Towne of Dun-
gannon made the Shier Towne, where the Gaole should
be. In the moneth of October he wrote againe to the
Lords, justifying himselfe against the complaint of the
Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll, avowing that he had not
stolne his sister, or taken her away by force, but that
after her brothers many delayes, she willingly going away
with him, hee married her. And that he had no other
wife, being lawfully divorced from her, whom the Marshall
187
A.D.
I 59 I -
The Lord
Deputies
Answers.
Ann. 1591 .
The Countrey
of Tyrone
made shire
ground.
a.d.
1591-
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
termed his wife. He complained against the Marshall,
that he reaped the benefit of all that in Ulster, which by
his endeavours had been brought to her Majesties
obedience. That he had obtained under the great Seale
a superioritie over Ulster, which he exercised over him.
About this time the Northerne Lords are thought to have
conspired, to defend the Romish Religion (for now first
among them Religion was made the cloake of Treason),
to admit no English Shiriffes in their Countries, and to
defend their libertie and rights against the English.
Ann . 1592. In the Moneth of August 1592, the Earle of Tyrone
by his letters to the Lords in England, justified himselfe
against the complaint of Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh, apparantly
shewing that his sonne Con Oneale did not disturbe the
Commissioners sitting in Monaghan, but that they, having
one hundred Foote for their guard, were afraid of two
Horsemen ; which they discovered. He wrote further,
that he had brought Odonnel into the State, (who since
his above-mentioned escape out of prison, had stood upon
his defence), and that he would perswade him to loyalty,
and in case hee were obstinate, would serve against him
as an enemy. And further craftily intreated the Lords,
that he might have the Marshalls love, that they being
neighbours, might concurre the better for her Majesties
service, and that their Lordships would approve of his
match with the Marshals sister, for whose content he did
the rather desire his love.
Ann . 1593. In the beginning of the yeere 1593, or about this time,
[II. i. 12.] a Northerne Lord Mac Guire, began to declare himselfe
discontent, and to stand upon his defence upon the
execution of Mac Mahowne, and the jelousies then con-
ceived by the Northerne Lords against the English. This
Mac Guire, Chieftaine of Fermannagh avowed, that he
had given three hundred Cowes to free his Countrey from
a Shiriffe, during the Lord Deputies Government, and
that notwithstanding one Captaine Willis was made
Shiriffe of Fermannagh, having for his guard one hundred
men, and leading about some one hundred women and
188
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1593 -
boyes, all which lived on the spoile of the Countrey.
Hence this barberous Lord taking his advantage, set upon
them, and drove them into a Church, where he would
have put them all to the sword, if the Earle of Tyrone
had not interposed his authoritie, and made composition
for their lives, with condition that they should depart
the Countrey. Whereupon the Lord Deputy Sir William
Fitz Williams sent the Queenes forces into Fermannagh,
wonne Mac Guires Castle of Eniskillen, and proclaimed
him Traytor. And the Irish avow, that the Lord Deputy
there let fall threatning speeches in publike against the
Earle of Tyrone, calling him Traytor.
These speeches comming to the Earles hearing, he ever
after pretended, that they were the first cause that moved
him to misdoubt his safetie, and to stand upon his defence,
now first combining himselfe with Odonnell, and the other
Lords of the North, to defend their Honours Estates, and
Liberties. When Tyrone first began to plot his rebellion, Tyrone plots
he is said to have used two notable practises. First, his hts rebellion.
men being altogether rude in the use of Armes, he offered
the State to serve the Queene against Tyrlogh Lynogh
with sixe hundred men of his owne, and so obtained
sixe Captaines to traine them (called by our men Butter
Captaines, as living upon Cesse) and by this meanes (and
his owne men in pay, which he daily changed, putting
new untrained men in the roome of others) he trained
all his men to perfect use of their Armes. Secondly,
pretending to build a faire house (which our State thinkes
a tye of civilitie) he got license to transport to Dun-
gannon a great quantitie of Lead to cover the Battlements
of his house : but ere long imployed the same only to
make bullets for the warre. But I returne to my purpose.
Sir Henrie Bagnoll Marshall of Ireland, had formerly
exhibited to the State divers articles of treason practised Treason
by the Earle of Tyrone, who now would not come to the P ractls ^by
State without a protection. To these articles the Earle J rone '
answered by letters, saying, that the Marshall accused him
upon envy, and by suborned witnesses, and that he
189
A.D.
* 593 -
Ann. i 594.
The Lords of
England's
Letters.
[II. i. 13.]
MacGuire' s
Rebellions.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
together with the Lord Deputy, apparantly sought his
overthrow. Further complaining, that the Marshall
detained from him his sisters portion, whom hee had
married, and that (according to his former complaint) he
usurped jurisdiction over all Ulster, and in particular
exercised it over him. Yet these articles of treason
against the Earle were beleeved in England, till he offered
by his letters to stand to his triall either in England or
Ireland. And accordingly he answered to the said Articles
before the Lord Deputy and Councell at Dundalke, in
such sort as they who had written into England against
him, now to the contrary wrote, that hee had sufficiently
answered them. Whereupon the Lords of England wrote
to the Earle of Tyrone, in the moneth of August of the
following yeere, that they approved his answeres, and that
in their opinion he had wrong, to be so charged, and that
publikely before Judges, and especially, that his answeres
were for a time concealed. Further, they commended
him for the token of loyalty he had given, in dealing
with Mac Guire to submit himselfe, exhorting him to
persist in his good course, and charging him (the rather
for avoiding his enemies slaunder) not to medle with
compounding of Controversies in Ulster out of Tirone,
without the Lord Deputies speciall warrant. At the same
time their Lordships wrote to the Lord Deputy, taxing
him and the Marshall, that they had used the Earle
against Law and equitie, and that hee the Lord Deputy
was not indifferent to the Earle, who offered to come
over into England to justifie himselfe. Thus was the Earle
cleared in shew, but whether through feare of his enemies,
or the guiltines of his conscience, he shewed himselfe ever
after to be diffident of his owne safety.
In the beginning of the yeere 1594 Mac Guire brake
into open Rebellion, he entered with forces into Connaght
(where the Burkes and Orwarke in Letrim, commonly
called Orwarkes Countrey, for disobediences to the State,
had been prosecuted by Sir Richard Bingham, Governour
of that Province.) This forerunner of the greater con-
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
spirators (shortly after seconded by Mac Mahowne) was
perswaded to enter Connaught by Gauranus a Priest,
whom the Pope (forsooth) had made Primate of all
Ireland, and was incouraged thereunto, by his ominating
of good successe. But by the valour of Sir Richard
Bingham the Governour, Mac Guire was repelled, with
slaughter of many of his men, among whom this pretended
Primate was killed.
Against this Mac Guire, the Earle of Tyrone served
with the Queenes forces, and valiantly fighting, was
wounded in the thigh, yet this Earle providing for his
securitie, about this time imprisoned the above mentioned
sonnes of Shane Oneale, who had escaped out of Dublin
Castle, and if they had been there kept, would have been
a sure pledge of his obedience, neither would he restore
them to libertie, though he were required so to doe, but
still covering his treacherous heart with ostentation of a
feare conceived of his enemies, he ceased not daily to
complaine of the Lord Deputies and Marshals envy
against him, and of wrongs done him by the Garrison
souldiers. Thus the fier of this dangerous Rebellion is
now kindled, by the above named causes, to which may
be added, the hatred of the conquered against the
Conquerors, the difference of Religion, the love of the
Irish to Spaine (whence some of them are descended),
the extortions of Sheriffes and sub-Sheriffes buying
these places, the ill governement of the Church among
our selves, and the admitting Popish Priests among the
Irish, and many such like. And this fier of rebellion now
kindled, shall be found hereafter to be increased to a
devouring flame, by slow & slender oppositions to the
first erruptions, before they had libertie to combine and
know their owne strength ; by not laying hands timely
on suspected persons of quality, to prevent their combin-
ing with the rest (especially in Mounster, being as yet
quiet) : by intertaining and arming of Irish men (a point
of high oversight begun by S r Joh. Perrot, &
increased by S r Will. Fitz Williams, the present
I 594-
The Earle of
Tyrone serves
against
Mac Guire.
The love o
the Irish to
Spaine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1 594 -
Causes of the L. Deputy, who at the first sending of forces into
Rebellion. Formannagh, gave power to certaine Irish men to raise
companies, which they did of their own Country men,
so as this ill custome being after continued, it both
furnished the enemy with trained men, and filled our
Bands with such false hearted souldiers, as some doubted,
whether we had not better have them enemies then
friends) : By a Treatie entertained at the very entrance
of the Rebellion, before any blow was strucken, which
made the Traytors proud, and daunted the hearts of good
subjects ; By ensuing cessations, long continuing and
giving liberty to the Traytors to strengthen their com-
bination, and to arme themselves in forraine parts and at
home, whereupon all idle and discontented people had
opportunitie to draw into Tyrone, and the Traytor Earle
of Tyrone had meanes to oppresse the bordering Lords
of Countries adjoyning, whereof many feeling once his
power, some for feare, some for love, joyned with him.
Besides that, the Army in the meane time was not onely
an excessive charge to the Queene, but lay idle, and in
stead of hurting the enemy, oppressed the subject, thereby
daily driving many into Rebellion. Lastly (for I will not
more curiously search the causes, being not suteable to
so briefe a narration as I intend), the Rebellion was
nourished and increased by nothing more, then frequent
Protections and Pardons, granted even to those, who had
formerly abused this mercy, so as all entred and continued
to bee Rebels, with assurance to be received to mercy at
their pleasure, whereof they spared not to brag, and this
heartened the Rebell no lesse, then it discouraged the
subject.
This present yeere 1594, about the month of August,
Sir William Fitz-williams, the Lord Deputy being recalled
into England, Sir William Russell tooke the sword.
About this time Ulster men in open hostility distressed
her Majesties forces, and Tyrone (so I will hereafter call
him, deserving no addition of title), having long absented
himselfe from the State, was undoubtedly reputed a party
Anno i 594.
Sir William
Russel Lord
Deputie.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
in their rebellion, when his sudden & voluntary appearance
before this new Lord Deputy at Dublin, in the very first
moneth of his governement, made many hope better of
him. He most assuredly promised al humble obedience
to the Queene, as well before the State at Dublin, in his
own person, as to the Lords in England by his letters,
and making his most humble submission to her Majesty,
besought to be restored to her former Grace, from which
he had fallen by the lying slanders of his enemies, not
by any his just desert. The Marshall Sir Henry Bagnoll
was then ready to prove before the Lord Deputy Articles
of high treason against Tyrone, and to avow that he
sent mac Guire with his Primate into Connaght. That
hee had secret intelligence with the Traytors mac Guire
and Odonnell, and had communicated counsels with them,
and gave them aide in the wasting of Monnaghan, and
the besieging of Eniskellin, by his brother Cormac mac
Baron, and by Con his owne base son ; and that he by
threats had drawne the Captaines of Kilulto and Kilwarny
from their faith and alleageance to the Queene. It was in
Councell debated, whether Tyrone should be staied to
answere hereunto ; and the Lord Deputy was of opinion
he should be staied : but most of the Counsellers, either
for idle feare, or inclination of love to Tyrone, thought
best to dismisse him for that time, and the counsell of
these, as more in number, and best experienced in Irish
affaires, the Lord Deputy followed. This much dis-
pleased the Queene, since this Foxes treasonable practises
were now so apparant, and her selfe had forewarned, that
in case he came to the State, he should be staied, till
he had cleered himselfe of all imputed crimes. And the
Lords in England by their letters thence, sharpely reproved
the Lord Deputy, for so dismissing him, which might give
the Rebels just cause to thinke that they durst not charge
him with treason, for feare of his forces, and their Lord-
ships professed to doubt, that Tyrones performance would
not be such, as might warrant this act.
The Lord Deputy shortly after tooke the field, and
m. ii 193 N
A.D.
1594.
[II. i. 14.]
Sir Henry
Bagnoll
proves Articles
of high
Treason
against
Tyrone.
Tyrone
dismissed.
The Lord
Deputy
reproved.
A.D.
J 594-
The Lord
Deputy takes
the field.
3000 .
souldiers sent
over.
Ann. 1595
Tyrone takes
the Fort of
Black-water.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
leaving for martiall causes the Earle of Ormond, for
civell causes the Lord Chanceller, to governe Lemster
and those parts in his absence, drew the forces into
Fermannagh, that he might releeve Enis-Kellin, and
expell mac Guire out of his Countrey. This winter
following, it seemes there was some negotiation on both
sides about peace. For in the moneth of February, the
Lords of England wrote to the Lord Deputy, of her
Majesties dislike of certaine writings sent over from
Odonnel and Sir Arthur Oneale, namely that in their
petitions, they included the pardon of mac Guire, and
Orwarke (commonly called Orurke). That they indented
with the Lord Deputy, that he should come to Dundalke
within a moneth, and especially that the Lord Deputy by
Sir Edward More should desire a fortnight more for his
comming thither. Their Lordships also signified, that
the Queene sent over 2000. old souldiers, which had
served under General Norreys in Britanny ; (giving order
that they should be divided into hundreds, and so many
Captaines) besides that 1000. souldiers were levied in
England, to be sent thither. And because their Lord-
ships judged, that all the practises of the Northern Lords,
came out of Tyrones schoole, (howsoever he grossely
dissembled the contrary), their Lordships advised the
Lord Deputy to offer Odonnel pardon, so as he would
sever himselfe from Tvrone : And that the rather, because
he was put into rebellion by Sir John Perrots imprisoning
him without any cause.
Tyrone hearing that supplies of souldiers, & namely
the old souldiers of Britany, were comming for Ireland,
and that Garrisons of English were to be planted at the
Castles of Ballishanon ; and Relike, lying upon the Lake
Earn, thought it no longer time to temporise. Where-
fore about this time of this yeere ending, or the first
entrance of the yeere 1595, he drew his forces together,
and in open hostilitie, suddenly assaulted the Fort of
Black-water, built upon the passage into Tyrone on the
South side, and taking the same, raced it, and broke
104
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
downe the Bridge. And now the Northecne Rebels with
Banners displaied, entred the Brennye. Yet at this time
Tyrone subtilly made suite for pardon, and promised the
Treasurer at warres, Sir Henrie Wallop, that he would
continue his Alleageance to the Queene. At this time
likewise Feagh Mac Hugh, Walter Reagh, and many
Lemster men, began to enter into actions of hostility
against the English.
The Lord Deputy, who saw this storme of Rebellion
would lye heavy on his shoulders, in his letters to the
Lords in England had let fall a request, that some old
experienced Commander might be sent over to him, for
his better assistance, meaning (no doubt) such a Captaine
as should be commanded by the supreame authority of
the Lord Deputie. But the Lords either mistaking his
intent, or because they so judged it best for her Majesties
service, sent over Sir John Norreys, a great Leader, and
famous in the warres of the Low Countries and France,
giving him the title of Lord General, with absolute com-
mand over military affaires, in the absence of the L.
Deputie. This great Commander was not like to be
willingly commanded by any, who had not borne as great
or greater place in the warres then himselfe. So as
whether through emulation, growing betweene him and
the Lord Deputy, or a declining of his Fortune, incident
to the greatest Leaders, howsoever he behaved himselfe
most valiantly and wisely in some encounters against
Tyrone, and the chiefe rebels, yet he did nothing against
them of moment. About the beginning of June, the
L. Deputie and the Lord Generali drew their Forces
towards Armagh, and now Tyrone had sent letters of
submission to them both (intreating the Lord Generali
more specially for a milder proceeding against him, so
as he might not be forced to a headlong breach of his
loyaltie.) These letters should have been delivered at
Dundalke, but the Marshall Bagnoll intercepting them,
stayed the messenger at the Newrye, till the Lord
Deputies returne, at which time because in this journey
i95
A.D.
1595 -
Tyrone's
subtilty.
L. Deputy,
L. Generali
together.
[II. i. 15.]
Sir John
Norreys
Lord General.
A.D.
U95-
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Sir Henrie
Wallop
and Sir Robert
Gardner to
conferre with
Tyrone.
Odonnell's
complaint.
Shane
Oneale’s
complaint.
Tyrone had been proclaimed Traytor, he refused to receive
them, in respect of her Majesties Honour.
Yet shortly after at Tyrones instance, Sir Henrie
Wallop, Treasurer at Warres, and Sir Robert Gardner
chiefe Justice of Ireland, were by Commission appointed
to conferre with him and his confederate Rebels. Tyrone
in this conference complained of the Marshall for his
usurped jurisdiction in Ulster, for depriving him of the
Queenes favour by slaunders ; for intercepting his late
letters to the Lord Deputie, and Lord Generali, protesting
that he never negotiated with forraine Prince, till he was
proclaimed Traytor. His humble petitions were, that hee
and his might be pardoned, and have free exercise of
Religion granted (which notwithstanding had never before
either been punished or inquired after.) That the
Marshall should pay him one thousand pound for his
dead Sisters, his wives portion. That no Garrisons nor
Sheriffes should be in his Country. That his troope of
fiftie horse in the Queenes pay might be restored to him.
And that such as had preyed his Country, might make
restitution.
Odonnell magnifying his Fathers and Progenitors
services to the Crowne, complained that Captaine Boyne,
sent by Sir John Perrot with his Company into his
Countrey, under pretence to reduce the people to civilitie,
and being well entertained of his Father, had besides
many other injuries, raised a Bastard to be Odonnel, and
that Sir John Perrot, by a ship sent thither, had taken
himselfe by force, and long imprisoned him at Dublin.
And that Sir William Fitz Williams had wrongfully kept
Owen O Toole above mentioned seven yeeres in prison.
His petitions were for pardon to him and his, and for
freedome of Religion. That no Garrisons or Sheriffes
might bee placed in his Countrey. And that certaine
Castles and lands in the County of Sligo might bee
restored to him.
Shane Mac Brian Mac Phelime Oneale, complained of
an Hand taken from him by the Earle of Essex, and that
196
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1595 -
he had been imprisoned till he surrendered to the Marshall
a Barrony, his ancient Inheritance. Hugh Mac Guire
complained of insolencies done by Garrison souldiers,
and by a Sheriffe, who besides killed one of his nearest
Kinsmen. Brian Mac Hugh Oge, and Mac Mahowne
(so the Irish called the chiefe of that name surviving),
and Ever Mac Cooly of the same Family of Mac
Mahownes, complained of the above-mentioned unjust
execution of Hugh Roe Mac Mahowne, in the Governe-
ment of Sir William Fitz Williams.
The Commissioners judged some of their petitions
equall, others they referred to the Queenes pleasure. But
when on the Queenes part, they propounded to the Rebels
some Articles to bee performed by them, they were growne
so insolent, as judging them unequall, the conference was The
broken off, with a few dayes Truce granted on both sides, conference
when the Queene, for sparing of bloud, had resolved to broken of.
give them any reasonable conditions.
This Truce ended, the Lord Deputv and the Lord [II. i. 1 6.]
Generali, about the eightenth of July, drew the Forces
to Armagh, with such terror to the Rebels, as Tyrone Tyrone
left the Fort of Blackwater, burnt the Towne of Dun- betakes
gannon, and pulled downe his House there, burnt all hmsel J 10 t,u
Villages, and betooke himselfe to the Woods. They
proclaimed Tyrone Traytor in his owne Countrey, and Tyrone
leaving a Guard in the Church of Armagh, they for want P roc l aimcd
of victuals, returned to Dublin, and by the way placed a }
Garrison in Monaghan. And when the Army came neere
to Dundalke, the Lord Deputie according to his instruc-
tions from England, yeelded the command of the Army
to the Lord Generali, and leaving him with the Forces
in the Northerne Borders, returned to Dublin. The
third of September Hugh Earle of Tyrone, Hugh O
Donnel, Bryan O Rourke, Hugh Mac Guire, Bryan Mac
Mahowne, Sir Arthur Oneale, Art Mac Baron, Henry
Oge Oneale, Turlogh Mac Henry Oneale, Cormac Mac
Baron (Tyrones Brother), Con Oneale, Tyrones base
Sonne, Bryan Art Mac Brian, and one Francis Mounfoord,
197
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
■ 595 -
The Lems ter
Rebels.
Emulation
betweene the
Lord Deputie
and the Lord
Generali.
Ann. 1596 .
were for forme of Law indited, though absent, and con-
demned judicially of Treason in the Countie of Lowthe,
neere the Borders of the North.
From this time the Lemster Rebels began to grow
very strong : for Feogh Mac Hugh of the Obirns, &
Donnel Spanniah of the Cavanaghs, when they were
declining, & in want of munition, were not prosecuted,
but upon fained submission were received into protection,
and so had meanes to renew their Forces, and supply their
wants, so as this yeere, about this moneth of September,
they began to oppresse al the subjects, from the Gates
almost of Dublin, to the County of Wexford (the most
ancient English County, and ever much cared for by the
Queene), which they spoiled, wanting forces to defend
it, and so deprived the English souldier of great reliefe
he might have found therein. The like may be said of
the Oconnors in Ophalia.
Generali Norris being left by the Lord Deputie on the
Northerne Borders, with full command of the Army, the
Winter passed without any great exploit. There was in
many things no small emulation betweene the Lord
Deputie and him, and no lesse in Tyrones particular.
The Lord Deputie seemed to the Lord Generali, to be
unequall and too sharpe against Tyrone, with whom he
wished no treaty of Peace to bee held, (which he wisely
did, having experienced his false subtiltie, and knowing
that he sought delaies, onely till hee could have aide
from Spaine.) But the Lord Generali (whether it were
in emulation of the Lord Deputy, or in his favour and
love to Tyrone) was willing to reclaime him by a Gentle
course (which that crafty Fox could well nourish in him.)
And it seemes some part of the Winter passed, while this
project was negotiated betweene them.
For in the beginning of the yeere 1596, a Comission
was procured out of England, whereby her Majestie,
though justly offended with Tyrone and his associates,
about their demaunds, in the former conference with Sir
Henry Wallop, and Sir Robert Gardner, yet in regard
198
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1596.
of their letters of humble submission, since that time A Commission
presented to her, doth signifie her gratious pleasure to procured out
Sir John Noreis Lord Generali, and Sir Geffry Fenton, °f En S !an
her Majesties Secretary for Ireland, giving them authoritie
to promise pardon of life, and restoring of lands and goods
to the said Lords, seeking with due humilitie her Royall
mercy, and to heare them, with promise of favourable
consideration in all their complaints. And thus much
the Commissioners signified to Tyrone and Odonnell, by
Captaine Sant Leger, and Captaine Warren, sent of
purpose unto them, with instructions dated the eleventh
of Aprill, this present yeere 1596, and with reference of
other particulars, to a meeting appointed to be at Dun-
dalke. The twentie of the same month Tyrone at Tyrone craves
Dundalke before these Commissioners craved the Queenes the Queenes
mercy on his knees, signing with his hand a most humble mercy.
submission in writing, vowing faith in the presence of
Almightie God, who seeth into the secrets of all mens
hearts, and (to use still his owne words) most humbly
craving her Majesties mercy and pardon on the knees of
his heart. His first petition for liberty of Religion, was
utterly rejected. For the second, touching freedome from
Garrisons and Sheriffes, he was answered, that her
Majestie would not be prescribed how to governe. In the
third, interceding for Orelyes pardon, it was disliked that
he should capitulate for others, yet giving hope of his [II. i. 17.]
pardon upon his owne submission. For the fourth, con-
cerning the Jurisdiction of Armagh, the answer was, that
her Majesty would reserve all the Bishops right. For
the fifth, concerning the freeing of Shane Oneales sons,
it was referred to her Majesties further pleasure. Finally,
he promised to desist from aiding the Rebels, and from Tyrone's
intermedling with the neighbor Lords. To make his promises.
Country a Shiere : to admit a Shiriffe. To renounce the
title of Oneale. To confesse (upon his pardon) all his
intelligences with forraine Princes, and all his past actions,
which may concerne the good of the State. To rebuild
the Fort and Bridge of Blackwater, and to relieve the
199
A.D.
1596.
Tyrone
solicites aide
from Spaine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Garrison for ready money at all times. To deliver in
sufficient Pledges. To dismisse all his Forces, & to pay
such reasonable fine to her Majesties use, as should be
thought meete by her Majestie. Hugh Odonnel at the
same time did agree to divers articles, for the good of his
Countrey, and made his like humble submission. The
like did Hugh mac Guire, Bryan mac Hugh, Ever Oge
Roe mac Cooly, Bryan Orewark (called Ororke), Shane
Mac Bryan, Phillip O Reyly, and others. To each one
was given (under the Commissioners hands) a promise
of her Majesties pardon, upon putting in of Pledges.
And Proclamation was made, to give notice hereof to all
the Queenes subjects, that in the meane time no acts of
hostilitie might be done against any of those, who had
thus submitted themselves.
Thus the Ulster Rebels, by a submission too honest
to be truly intended by them, whilest Pledges were
expected, and Pardons drawne, were freed from the prose-
cution of the Queenes Forces this Summer. And even
at this time did Tyrone solicite aide in Spaine, and two
or three messengers came secretly to the rebels from
thence, by whom many of them (as Ororke, Mac William,
&c) sent a writing signed, to the King of Spaine, covenant-
ing, that if hee would send sufficient Forces, they would
joyne theirs to his, and if he would at all relieve them,
in the meane time they would refuse all conditions of
Peace. But Tyrone, though consenting, yet was too
craftie to signe this Covenant, yea, craftily he sent the
King of Spaines answere to the Lord Deputie, whilest
hee notwithstanding relied on the promised succours. I
finde nothing of moment done this Summer by the Forces
with the Generali, being restrained by the last agreement
at Dundalke ; onely about the end of August, hee wrote
out of Connaght unto the Lord Deputie, complaining
of divers wants, and desiring more Forces to be sent
him. To whom the Lord Deputie answered, that his
Lordship had warrant to supply some of his wants
in the Countrie, and denied the sending of any
200
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Forces to him, because himselfe was to goe into the
Field.
By this time the rebels of Lemster were (as I formerly
mentioned) growne strong, Feogh Mac Hugh breaking
his protection entred into acts of hostilitie, and he
together with the O Mores, O Connors, O Birnes, O
Tooles, the Cavenaghs, Butlers, and the chiefe names of
Connaght, animated by the successe of Ulster men,
combined together, and demaunded to have the barbarous
titles of O and Mac together with lands they claimed,
to be restored to them, in the meane time spoiling all
the Country on all sides.
About the moneth of January, Sir Richard Bingham,
Governour of Connaght, who had valiantly beaten Ororke
out of his Countrie, and prosecuted the Bourks, and other
Rebels, was called into England, upon complaints of the
Irish, and Sir Conyers Clifford was sent to governe
Connaght. This Gentleman complained off by the Irish,
was valiant and wise ; but some of our English States-
men thought him too severe, and that he had thereby
driven many into rebellion, howsoever himselfe very well
experienced in the Country, and those who best under-
stood the Irish nature, found nothing so necessarie for
keeping them in obedience, as severitie, nor so dangerous
for the increase of murthers and outrages, as indulgence
towards them. His answers to their complaints could
not be so admitted as for the time some discountenance
fell not on him, which reward of services he constantly
bore, till in short time after, to his great grace, the State
thought fit againe to use his service, in a place of great
commaund in the Armie.
Sir John Norreys Lord Generali, Sir George Bourcher,
Master of her Majesties Ordinance, and Sir Geffery
Fenton her Majesties Secretary for Ireland, being by
Commission directed to treat againe with Tyrone, did
by their letters dated the twenty of Januarie remember
him of the favour he had received at the last treatie at
Dundalke, and charged him (as formerly he had been
201
A.D.
1596 .
The rebels oj
Lemster
growne strong.
Sir Richard
Bingham.
Sir Conyers
Clifford.
Another
Commission
appointed.
[II. i. 18.]
A.D.
1596 .
Meeting with
Tyrone neere
Dundalke.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
charged) with high crimes since that committed by him,
to the violation of the Articles then agreed on, therefore
advising him, that since they were for her Majesties
service to draw to the Borders, he would there testifie to
them his penitencie for offences done since his pardon,
by such an humble and heartie submission, as they might
recommend into England from him. Tyrone by his
answere of the two and twentie of Januarie, acknowledged
under his hand her Majesties mercy therein extended to
him, and confessed offences and breaches of the Articles
there signed, withall desiring them, to examine the
wrongs and provocations, by which he had beene driven
thereunto, and protesting his sorrow for these offences.
The same day he met the Commissioners neere Dundalke,
where he being on the one side of the Brooke, they on
the other, hee put of his hat, and holding it with great
reverence in his hand, said to them. That hee was come
thither, not onely to shew his duty to them, as her
Majesties Commissioners, but his inward desire to bee
made & continued a subject. When he would have
remembred the wrongs since his late Pardon provoking
him to disloialtie, they cut him off by remembring him
of all the benefits, and that of his last pardon, received
from the Queene, which should have counterpoised his
wrongs, and have kept him in duty. He confessed this,
with shew of great remorse, and protested before God
and heaven, that there was no Prince nor creature, whom
he honoured as he did her Majestie ; nor any Nation of
people that he loved or trusted more, then the English.
Protesting further, that if her Majestie would please to
accept of him againe as a subject, and to take such course
as hee might bee so continued, (thus still he reserved
pretence of wrongs to shaddow his future disloialties),
then he doubted not but to redeeme all his faults past
with some notable services. Besides, hee gave answers
to divers questions, and signed them after with his hand.
First, asked what messages and letters had passed betweene
Spaine and him ; he answered, never to have received any,
202
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
but incouragements from Spaine, and assurances of an
Army to aide him : that he never had further contract
with the Spaniards, and that he had sent the King of
Spaines letter above mentioned to the Lord Deputie and
Counsell : that he never received thence any money or
ought of value, nor any of his confederates to his know-
ledge. Only Odonnel had some fifteene barrels of
powder, whereof he should have had a portion, but never
had it. Secondly, for the late Submitties, Pardons, and
Pledges, hee undertooke that with all speede the Pledges
should be sent to Dublin, with Agents to sue out the
Pardons granted in the last Treatie at Dundalke.
Thirdly, for his making O Realy, he vowed that the
Gentlemen of the Countrie made him, and that he would
hereafter never meddle in the causes of the Brenny.
Fourthly, for the Rebels of Lemster and the Butlers, he
answered, that he never had confederacy with any but
Feogh Mac Hugh, and for the Butlers, hee never had
any thing to doe with them. Fiftly, for Agents in Spaine,
he denied to have any, or to know any his confederates
had. Sixthly, for his jealousie of the State, hee avowed
it to be upon just causes, which hee would after make
knowne. This done, hee desired Captaine Warren might
come over the Brooke to him, and then by him he
requested that himselfe might come over to the Com-
missioners, in token of his faithfull heart to her Majestie,
which granted, he with great reverence saluted them, and
with hat in hand, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, desired
God to take vengeance on him, if (her Majestie vouch-
safing to make him a subject, and to cause the Articles
of Dundalke to be kept to him) he would not continue
faithfull, and desired never to see Christ in the face, if
he meant not as he spake. He confessed, that the Spanish
ships lately arrived in the North, had brought Odonnel
the Kings letter, signifying that he heard the Earle of
Tirone to be dead, and the Irish to have received a great
overthrow, desiring to be advertised of their State. And
that Odonnel before his comming had given answere,
203
A.D.
1596 .
Tyrone's
Answers.
His oathe.
A.D.
1596 .
[II. i. 19.]
The King of
Spaine' s help.
Commissions
power to meet
with Tyrone.
Tyrone delays.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
that if the King sent an Army, he would take his part,
and hoped the like of the other Irish. But at his
comming, that the Spanish Captaine excusing that the
King had not written to him, he only told him, that
promise had not been kept with him by the English, and
therefore he would not refuse the Kings promised aide.
And with many execrations swore, that the Captaine left
neither Munition nor Treasure with him, and that he
never received any thing from the King of Spaine, but
that letter above mentioned, which he sent to the Lord
Deputy. And that he never wrote but three letters into
Spaine, all about one time, and (as he thought) all inter-
cepted. Lastly, he vehemently denied to have incited
any Mounster men to rebellion, since his last pardon.
So with like reverence as formerly, he tooke his leave.
Upon advertisement hereof into England, the Com-
missioners received ample power to conclude all things
with Tyrone. Thus much they made knowne to him
by letters, sent to him by his old friend Captaine Warren,
the ninth of March, with instructions to appoint the
second of Aprill the day of meeting at Dundalke, which
Tyrone accepted, with shew of joy to be received to her
Majesties mercy, the sweetnes whereof he had often
experienced, and of feare to be pursued by her forces,
which he professed himselfe not able to resist. But by
his letters the fifteene of March, he made doubt of meet-
ing, pretending that his pledges were not changed accord-
ing to covenant, nor restitution made him by those that
had preyed his Country, and that his confederates could
not come so socne. The Commissioners replyed by letters
the two and twenty of March, that these were but delayes,
since the pledges at the meeting (upon his putting in his
eldest sonne for pledge) should be restored, and he in all
things reasonably satisfied, protesting that if he refused
this occasion, they could doe no more for him, since her
Majesty would be no longer abused by his faire promises
and delayes : Adding, that he must conforme himselfe
to the directions they had, and could not alter. Master
204
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Secretary wrote out of England unto the Commissioners
the two and twenty of March ; That her Majesty was
displeased to have the treaty thus delayed, and charged
to have the meeting in a Towne, as a submission of the
Rebels, not in the field as a parley. That her Majesty
prepared for the warre, resolving not to have any more
treaties, if this tooke not effect. Lastly, desiring them
to acquaint the Lord Deputy with all their directions, and
the issues, and to excuse his not writing to his Lordship,
thinking that the Commissioners were not at Dublyn
with him.
Upon the tenth of Aprill, in the yeere 1597, the
Commissioners againe pressed Tyrone by letters, not to
slacke his owne greatest good by delayes, and appointed
for the last day of meeting, the sixteenth of that present
moneth, and that his confederats not able then to come,
should draw after as soone as they could, protesting that
this was the last time that they would write unto him.
Tyrone on the seventeenth of April, sent his reasons of
not comming : First justifying his relaps into disloialty
by the truce not observed to him, and because restitution
was not made him of preyes taken from him, which was
promised. Then excusing his not meeting, because his
pledges, by the truce being from three moneths to three
moneths to be changed, were still detained, yea, his pledges
the second time put in, were kept together with the first ;
And saying, that he durst not come to the Lord Generali,
because many promises by him made, being not kept,
he knew it was much against his honourable mind, and
so could not be perswaded, but that the Lord Generali
was overruled by the Lord Deputy, so as he could not
make good his promises without the Lord Deputies con-
sent, who shewed malice to him, and was no doubt the
cause of all the breaches of such promises, as had beene
made unto him. Againe, in regard he heard that the
Lord Bourgh was to come over Lord Deputy, who was
altogether unknowne to him, he protested to feare that the
acts of the Lord Generali with him, would not be made
205
A.D.
U97-
The Queene
prepared for
warre.
Ann. 1597 .
Tyrones
excuses.
A.D.
1 597 -
Sir William
Russell called
home.
[II. i. 20.]
L. Bourgh.
L. Deputy.
The Earle of
Essex and Sir
John Nor ryes.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
good, wishing that rather the Lord Generali might be
continued in his command, for then he would be confident
of a good conclusion. Finally, he desired a meeting neere
Dundalke the sixe and twenty of Aprill, but this appoint-
ment for the day being against the last finall resolution,
and for the place against her Majesties directions, there
was no more speech of this treaty.
In the meane time Sir William Russell Lord Deputy,
by the managing of those and like affaires, finding him-
selfe not duly countenanced out of England, in the place
he sustained, had made earnest suit to be called home,
and accordingly about the end of May he was revoked,
and the Lord Bourgh, (so he himselfe writes, others write
Burke, and Camden writes Borough) came over Lord
Deputy. The ill successe of the treaties and small
progresse of the warres, together with this unexpected
change of the Lord Deputy, comming with supreme
authority, as well in martiall as civill causes, brake the
heart of Sir John Norryes Lord Generali, a leader as
worthy and famous as England bred in our age. Of late
(according to vulgar speech) he had displeased the Earle
of Essex, then a great favourite in Court, and by his
merites possessed of the superintendency in all martiall
affaires : For Sir John Norryes had imbraced the action
of Brest Fort in Britany, and the warres in those parts,
when the Earle himself had purpose to entertaine them,
and prevailed against the Earle, by undertaking them with
lesse forces, then the Earle desired for the same. And
it was thought that the Earle had preferred the Lord
Bourgh, of purpose to discontent him, in regard the said
Lord Bourgh had had a private quarrell with the said
Generali in England, and that besides the superiour com-
mand of this Lord, (though otherwise most worthy, yet
of lesse experience in the warres then the Generali had),
could not but be unsupportable to him, esteemed one of
the greatest Captaines of his time, and yet having inferiour
command of the Presidentship of Mounster in the same
Kingdome. Certainely upon the arrivall of this new
206
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Lord Deputy, presently Generali Norryes was commanded
to his governement of Mounster, and not to stirre thence
without leave. When he came thither, this griefe so
wrought upon his high spirit, as it apparantly brake his
brave and formerly undaunted heart, for without sickenes
or any publike signe of griefe, he suddenly died, in the
imbrace of his deere brother Sir Thomas Norreys, his
vicepresident, within some two moneths of his comming
into Mounster.
The Lord Bourgh at his entry into the place of Lord
Deputy, found all the North in Rebellion, except seven
Castles, with their Townes or Villages, all but one lying
towards the sea, namely Newry, Knockfergus, Carlingford,
Greene-Castle, Armagh, Dondrom, and Olderfleet. And
all Connaght was likewise in Rebellion, together with the
Earle of Ormonds nephewes the Butlers, in Mounster.
In this moneth of May, Ororke was sent into England,
by the King of Scots, and there executed. This Ororke
seemes to have beene expelled his Countrey, when Sir
Richard Bingham was Governour of Connaght, but those
of his name, and the chiefe of them, usurping the
Countrey of Letrym, still continued Rebels.
Tyrone hitherto with all subtilty and a thousand sleights
abusing the State, when he saw any danger hanging over
him, by fained countenance and false words pretended
humblest submission, and hearty sorrow for his villanies ;
but as soone as opportunity of pursuing him was omitted,
or the forces were of necessity to be drawne from his
Countrey, with the terror of them all his loyalty vanished,
yea, he failed not to mingle secretly the greatest Counsels
of mischiefe with his humblest submissions. And these
courses had beene nourished by the sloth of our Leaders,
the frugality of some of our counsellers, and the Queenes
inbred lenity : yet of all other, he had most abused the
late Lord Generals love to him, and his credulity, which
specially grew out of his love. Now of this new Lord
Deputy, by letters hee requested a truce or cessation,
which it seemed good to the Lord Deputy to grant for
A.D.
1597 *
Death of
Generali
Norryes.
All the North
in Rebellion.
Ororke
executed.
Tyrone’s
craftinesse.
A.D.
* 597 -
The Lord
Deputy takes
the field.
[II. i. 21.]
The Fort of
Blackwater
retaken.
Conflict in the
woods.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
a moneth, in regard of the conveniency of her Majesties
present affaires, not any way to gratifie the Rebell, for he
had no purpose to entertaine more speech of his sub-
mission, or to slacke the pursuit of him and his con-
federates, to which he was wholly bent. He saw the
lamentable effects, which these cessations, together with
protections, had hitherto produced, and among other evils,
did specially resolve to avoid them.
Therefore assoone as the moneth of truce was expired,
the Lord Deputy aswell by his first actions, to give luster
and ominous presage to his governement, as because he
judged it best for the service to strike at the head, presently
drew the Forces towards Tyrone. The Irish, in a fastnes
neere Armagh, (so they call straight passages in woods,
where to the natural strength of the place is added the
art of interlacing the low bowes, and casting the bodies of
trees acrosse the way) opposed the passage of the English,
who made their way with their swords, and found that
the Irish resolutely assaulted, would easily give ground.
Then the Lord Deputy assaulted the Fort of Blackewater,
formerly built by the English upon the passage to Dun-
gannon, whence the Earle at his first entering into
rebellion, had by force expelled the English, as carefully
as he would have driven poyson from his heart. This
Fort he soon wonne, and repayring the same, put a
company of English souldiers into it, to guard it. But
whilst the Lord Deputy with the whole army were render-
ing thanks to God for this good successe, the Rebels
shewed themselves out of the thicke woods neere adjoyn-
ing on the North-side of the Fort, so as the prayers were
interrupted by calling to armes. The English entered
skirmish, and prevayled against them, driving them to
flye into the thickest of their dens. In this conflict were
killed Francis Vaughan, brother to the Lord Deputies
wife ; and Robert Tumour Serjant Major of the Army,
and two foster brethren to Henry Earle of Kildare, who
with his troope of Horse valiantly served upon the Rebell,
and tooke the death of his foster brethren so to heart,
208
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
(after the education of the Irish) as he shortly after died.
Many also were wounded, among whom Thomas Walker
was of chiefe name.
When the Lord Deputy first resolved to draw up to
Blackewater, he sent directions to Sir Conyers Clifford
to come up with the Connaght forces by the way of Bally-
shannon, and to meete him there, which he in like sort
attempted, but being overmatched by the Rebels lying in
his way, could not peirce so farre, but was forced to
retire, and by that retreat wonne great reputation to
himselfe and the men under him : for having with him
some sixe or seven hundred foote onely ; of which part
was of the old Britan Souldiers, and being assayled by
more then 2000. Rebels, during thirty miles march he
valiantly repelled them, and safely retired to the garrison.
The Lord Deputy leaving the Fort at the Blacke-
water well guarded to the charge of Captaine Thomas
Williams, withdrew the Forces towards the Pale. Now
the Rebels tossed betweene hope, feare, and shame,
resolved to besiege the Fort, and Tyrone thought his
reputation lost, if he recovered it not, and so with joynt
force they compassed and assayled the same. Whereof
the Lord Deputy being advertised, with all possible
expedition gathered the forces, to leade them to the reliefe
of that fort, and the Rebels hearing of his Lordships
approach, quitted the siege of the Fort, and retired into
their strengths. Whereupon the Lord Deputy marched
forward, and having passed the Blackwater Fort, and
purposing to enter and passe the place leading to Dun-
gannon Tyrones chiefe House, he fel suddenly sicke,
and being carried backe in his horse litter to Armagh, and
thence to the Newry, died in the way, to the great joy
of the Rebels, dejected with his sharpe prosecution and
bold adventures, and to the no lesse griefe of the English,
erected with hope of good successe. Howsoever many
of good judgement held his purpose of passing to Dun-
gannon very dangerous, and altogether fruitlesse, since
no garrisons being planted to gaine ground, no other
m. 11 209 o
1 597 -
Sir Conyers
Clifford's
skillful
retreat.
The Rebels
beseige the
Blackewater
Fort.
Death of the
Lord Deputy.
A.D.
1 597 -
Lord Justice.
Lord
Lieftenant ,
and Lords
Justices.
[II. i. 22.]
Meeting with
Tyrone.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
issue could be hoped in the best event, then a bragge
of courage in passing to Tyrones cheefe seate, which no
other Deputy had yet attempted. And as they greatly
commended the Lord Deputies valour in these actions,
so they feared the ingaging and losse of the Queenes
Army, by this or some like bold attempt.
After his death, Sir Thomas Norreys, Lord President
of Mounster, was under the great seale of Ireland
provisionally made Lord Justice of the Kingdome, (as the
custome is in such sudden changes) who repaired to
Dublin, and there executed his place for one month (as
I thinke of September) and no longer, for he being sick
& cast down in minde by the great sorrow he had con-
ceived for the late death of his worthy brother, made great
suite to the Queene and the Lords in England, to be eased
of this burthen of being Lord Justice, and to have leave
to retire himselfe to his governement of the Province
of Mounster.
And so Adam Loftus Lord Chauncellor of Ireland, and
Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Robert Gardner chiefe
Justice of Ireland, by letters out of England, the thirteene
of October were made Lords Justices for the civell
governement, and the Earle of Ormond with title of
Lord Liefetenant of the Army, was authorized to com-
mand in cheefe for all martiall affayres. Tyrone after
his old custome, flies unto the Lord Lieftenant, with
protestations of loyalty, and complaines of wrongs,
inforcing his disloiall courses, which his Lordship adver-
tising into England, received authority from thence, to
treat with Tyrone about his submission, having Sir
Geffery Fenton Secretary of Ireland joyned with him
for an assistant. Hereupon ensued a meeting at Dun-
dalke on the 22 of December, where Tyrone made his
most humble submission in writing, acknowledging her
Majesties great mercie in giving him and his Associates
their pardons upon former submissions, and upon the
knees of his heart (as he writes) professed most heartie
penitencie for his disloialtie, and especially his foule
2X0
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
relapses thereinto, humbly beseeching the Lord Lieu-
tenant to be a meanes to her sacred Majestie for his
pardon, withall making knowne his grievances, which
howsoever they could not justifie his offence, yet might
in some measure qualifie the heinousnesse thereof. And
till these might be booked, to be sent over with his
Submission, most humbly craving of his Lordship to
grant a truce or cessation of Armes for eight weeks
following. And further, to the end it might appeare that
his submission proceeded from his heart, promising that
for the time of this cessation, there should be no impedi-
ment given to her Majesties Ministers bringing victuals
to Blackwater Fort, yea, that for a poore token of his
humblest duty, hee would voluntarily give to the hands
of the Captaine fortie Beeves, and suffer the souldiers
to cut and fetch in wood, or any other provisions. For
his performance whereof hee offered presently to give
Pledges to his Lordship.
The same day hee subscribed the following articles,
propounded to him by the Lord Lieutenant. First, he
promiseth for him and his associates, faithfully to keepe
her Majesties Peace during the cessation. Secondly,
that hee will presently recall all Ulster men sent by him
into Lemster, leaving those who should not obay his
directions to the Lord Lieutenants discretion. Thirdly,
if any during the Truce shall breake into Rebellion, he
promiseth not to aide them, so as none depending on his
Truce, be in the meane time taken in by the State without
his consent. Fourthly, he agreeth to a generall Liberty,
of buying necessaries for his men in the Pale, and
for the Queenes subjects in Ulster, and nothing to be
forceably taken on either side. Fiftly, that upon pre-
tended wrongs no revenge be taken, but restitution be
made within ten dayes after complaint. Sixthly, that
during the Truce hee shall have no intelligence with the
King of Spaine, or other forraine Prince, but acquaint
the State with any message hee shall receive, or
project he shall heare. Seventhly, that he shall presently
2 I I
A.D.
1 597 *
Tyrone craves
a truce.
He subscribes
these Articles.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 597 -
Beeves sent by
Tyrone.
Submission oj
Brian
Ororke.
[II. i. 23-]
draw a booke of his grievances, such as he can prove,
without mention of frivolous matters unworthie her sacred
Majesties view. Eightly, that he will deliver into the
Fort forty Beeves, and give safe conduct to her Majesties
Ministers to vittaile the said Fort of Blackwater, and
suffer the souldiers to cut and fetch wood on the South-
side of Armagh, and for all other necessaries permit them
to agree with the owners, so as they come not of them-
selves into his Countrie, but have his men with them in
company. Ninthly, that any prey being tracked into his
Countrie, he shall make restitution, and deliver the
theeves to be executed, and if any be stopped from follow-
ing of his track the stopper shall answere the goods so
tracked ; which course the Lord Lieutenant promised
likewise to hold towards him and his associates.
The foure and twentie of December, Tyrone advertised
the Lord Lieutenant, that he served the Fort with fortie
Beeves, but the Captaine had refused ten of them, wherein
his discretion was taxed by the Lord Lieutenant, since
they were of voluntarie gift. Yet Tyrone promised to
send ten other of the best he had in lieu of them.
The eighteenth of Februarie Brian Oge Orwarke
(commonly called Ororke) Lord of Letrym (commonly
called Ororkes Country) submitted himself in a great
assembly on his knees to her Majestie, before Sir Conyers
Clifford Governour of Connaght, subscribing further to
these Articles. First, that he and his followers promised
in all humblenesse to performe all duties to her Majestie,
as becommeth good subjects. Secondly, that he will
receive her Majesties Sheriffes, and yeeld them all due
obedience. Thirdly, that he will pay to her Majestie her
composition or rent, and yeeld to her Highnes all services,
according to his new Patent to be granted. Fourthly,
that hee shall send out of his Countrie all strangers to
their owne dwelling places. Fifthly, that hee will appre-
hend all Rebels, Theeves or Malefactors comming into
his Countrie, sending them and their goods to the
Governour. Sixthly, that hee will deliver Pledges for
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1 597 •
his Sept (or Family) and the chiefe
within twentie dayes. Hereof Sir
advertised the Lords Justices, praying
the strength and fastnesse of Ororkes Country, he might
not bee discontented, with having Beeves taken from him
for reliefe of the Army, without payment of ready money
for them, since that course had already grieved all the
Submitties. Further, he shewed that the Countrie of
Ororke was most necessary to be defended. For how-
soever it was held by Sir Richard Bingham the last
Governour as by Conquest (upon expelling of the above
mentioned Ororke), yet then it was all waste, so as the
Rebell could make little use of it, whereas now it was
most replenished with cattle, and therefore like to be
assaulted by Tyrone and Odonnel, incensed against
Ororke by reason of this his submission. Besides that,
the Queenes forces could lie no where so fitly for service,
as upon the Earne, nor there bee relieved but by Ororke,
nor receive reliefe with his contentment but by paying
ready money. Lastly, hee shewed that all the people upon
the Earne, and in those parts, excepting Mac William,
had submitted themselves to her Majestie, and delivered
Pledges for their Loyalty, being glad to live under her
Majesties Lawes, and onely terrified with the burden of
relieving the souldiers, without paiment for their cattle.
Therefore he desired that two of the privy Counsell
might bee sent over, to take knowledge of such grievances,
as the Submitties should present unto them, and to take
order for their satisfaction. This goodly submission
had all the same issue, as followeth in that of the famous
Faith-breaker Tyrone.
Since the last meeting of the Lord Lieftenant with
Tyrone at Dundalke, his Lordship had sent over into
England Tyrones humble submission, and the Booke of
his grievances, and had received authority from her
Majesty, to make a finall conclusion with the Rebels, and
now at another meeting in Dundalke, on the fifteene of
March, the Lord Lieftenant signified to Tyrone, that her
213
Septs with him,
Conyers Clifford Conyers
that in regard of Cliffords
A.D.
1598.
Conditions of
pardon for
Tyrone.
1 .
2.
3 -
4 -
5-
6 .
7 -
8 .
9 -
10.
1 1 .
12.
13-
Tyrone
agreeth to all
the Articles
save two.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Majesty by his humble submission had beene induced
againe to receive him to mercy, and to give him and all
the Inhabitants of Tyrone her gracious pardon, upon
conditions following. First, that he renew his humble
submission to the Lord Liefetenant on her Majesties
behalfe in some publike place. 2. That he promise due
obedience of a Subject, and not to intermeddle with the
Irish, nor his adherents, not onely hereafter, but now,
leaving them to themselves, that they may become humble
suitors for their owne pardons, in which case it is promised
them also. 3. That he dispierce his forces, upon receit of
his pardon, and dismisse all strangers, Irish, Scots, or
others. 4. That he renounce the name and title of
Oneale. 5. Not to intermeddle with her Majesties
Vriaghtes, (so the Irish call the bordering Lords, whom
the Ulster Tyrants have long claimed to be their vassals).
6. That he build up againe, at his owne charges, the Fort
and Bridge of Blackewater, and furnish the souldiers with
victuals, as formerly he did. 7. That he deliver to the
Lord Lieftenant the sonnes of Shane Oneale, who were
her Majesties Prisoners ; till breaking out they fell into
his hands, and were imprisoned by him. 8. To declare
faithfully all intelligence with Spaine, and to leave it.
9. That he receive a Sheriffe for Tyrone, as all other
Countries doe. 10. That he put in his eldest sonne for
pledge, and at all times come to the state being called.
11. That he pay a fine in part of satisfaction for his
offence, according to her Majesties pleasure. 12. That
he aid no Rebell, nor meddle with the Inhabitants on the
East side of the Ban, yet so as he may enjoy any lands
or leases he hath there. 13. That he receive not any
disloyall person, but send such to the chiefe Governour.
To the first and second Articles Tyrone agreeth, so as
time might be given for the other Lords his associates to
assemble, that they might herein lay no imputation on
him. To the third he agreeth, craving a generall pasport
for all such strangers. To the fourth he agreeth. For
the fifth, he saith that he desireth nothing of the Vriaghts,
2x4
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
but such duties as they yeelded, since his Grandfathers
time. To the sixth he agreeth. The seventh he refuseth,
because he had not those prisoners from the State. To
the eight he agreeth. To the ninth he agreeth, according
to the statute appointing a gentleman of the Countrey
to be chosen, yet craving forbearance for a small time.
The tenth he refuseth, for the pledges (in particular). For
the eleventh he agreeth to a fine of five hundred Cowes,
yet praying the Lord Lieftenant to be a meanes to her
Majesty for the remittall thereof. To the twelfth he
agreeth. To the last he agreeth, provided that he would
deliver no man to the State, who came to him for cause of
conscience. Finally, in regard Odonnell and other of
Tyrones associates, did not then appeare, and in that
respect the Lord Liefetenant had beene pleased to grant
him further day till the tenth of Aprill following, he
promised upon his credit and honour, and by his hand
writing, that in case they or any of them should not then
appeare, and submit themselves ; yet he at that time
would make his submission, and humbly crave and receive
her Majesties gracious pardon, and goe thorow with all
things requisite for a perfect conclusion, and to deliver
in two pledges of his faith, to be chosen out of a schedule
presented to the Lord Lieftenant, the same to be changed
according to the agreement, and if the Mores and
Conners, for whom he had obtained protection, should
violate this peace, that he would no way give aide or
assistance to them. Hereupon at the instance of the Lord
Liefetenant, the Lords Justices caused Tyrones pardon to
be drawne, and sealed with the great seale of Ireland,
bearing Date the eleventh of Aprill, in the fortith yeere
of her Majesties Raigne, and of our Lord the yeere 1598.
Tyrone received his generall pardon, but continuing
still his disloyall courses, never pleaded the same, so as
upon his above mentioned indictment, in September 1595.
you shall find him after outlawed, in the yeere 1600.
The Irish kerne were at the first rude souldiers, so as
two or three of them were imployed to discharge one
215
A.D.
1 598 -
[II. i. 24.]
10 . April.
The pardon
sealed.
An. 1598 .
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
A.D.
1598 .
The Irish
Kerne growne
skillful.
Tyrone's
trecherie.
Siege of
Blackewater
Fort.
Peece, and hitherto they have subsisted especially by
trecherous tenders of submission, but now they were
growne ready in managing their Peeces, and bold to
skirmish in bogges and wooddy passages, yea, this yeere
and the next following, became so disasterous to the
English, and successefull in action to the Irish, as they
shaked the English governement in this kingdome, till
it tottered, and wanted little of fatall ruine. Tyrone
wanted not pretences to frustrate this late treaty, and to
returne to his former disloyalty, and the defection of all
other submitties depending on him, followed his revolt.
First he sent aid to Phelim mac Feogh, chiefe of the
Obirnes, the sonne of Feogh mac Hugh, (killed in Sir
William Russels time), to the end he might make the
warre in Lemster against the English : And because the
English Fort of Blackewater was a great eye sore to
him, lying on the cheefe passage into his Countrey, he
assembled all his forces, and assaulted the same. But
Captaine Thomas Williams, with his company under him,
so valiantly repelled the great multitudes of the assaylants,
with slaughter of many and the most hardy, attempting
to scale the fort, (which was onely a deepe trench or wall
of earth, to lodge some one hundred Souldiers), as they
utterly discouraged from assayling it, resolved to besiege
it a farre off, and knowing they wanted victuals, presumed
to get it by famine.
This Captaine and his few warders, did with no lesse
courage suffer hunger, and having eaten the few horses
they had, lived upon hearbes growing in the ditches and
wals, suffering all extremities, till the Lord Lieftenant in
the moneth of August sent Sir Henry Bagnoll Marshall
of Ireland, with the most choice Companies of foote and
horse troopes of the English Army, to victuall this Fort,
and to raise the Rebels siege. When the English entered
the Pace, and thicke woods beyond Armagh, on the East
side, Tyrone (with all the Rebels forces assembled to him)
pricked forward with rage of envy and setled rancour
against the Marshal, assayled the English, and turning his
216
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
full force against the Marshals person, had the successe
to kill him, valiantly fighting among the thickest of the
Rebels. Whereupon the English being dismaied with his
death, the Rebels obtained a great victory against them :
I terme it great, since the English from their first arrivall
in that Kingdome, never had received so great an over-
throw, as this commonly called, The defeat of Blacke-
water ; Thirteene valiant Captaines, and 1 500. common
Souldiers, (whereof many were of the old companies which
had served in Brittany under Generali Norreys) were slaine
in the field. The yeelding of the Fort of Blackwater
followed this disaster, when the assaulted guard saw no
hope of reliefe : but especially upon messages sent to
Captaine Williams, from our broken forces retired to
Armagh, professing that all their safetie depended upon
his yeelding the Fort into the hands of Tyrone, without
which danger Captaine Williams professed, that no want
or miserie should have induced him thereunto.
Shortly after Sir Richard Bingham (above mentioned)
late Governour of Connaght, and unworthily disgraced,
was sent over to succeede Sir Henrie Bagnoll in the
Marshalship of that Kingdome.
By this Victory, the rebels got plenty of Armes and
victuals, Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the
Deliverer of his Country from thraldome, and the com-
bined Traytors on all sides were puffed up with intolerable
pride. All Ulster was in Armes, all Connaght revolted,
and the Rebels of Lemster swarmed in the English Pale,
while the English lay in their Garrisons, so farre from
assailing the Rebels, as they rather lived in continuall
feare to be surprised by them.
After the last yeeres navall expedition out of England
into the Hands, certaine old Companies of one thousand
and fiftie foote, drawne out of the Low Countries, were
appointed to Winter in the West parts of England, To
these, nine hundred and fiftie new men were added this
Summer, and the command of these two thousand Foote,
and of one hundred Florse, was given to Sir Samuel
217
A.D.
1598.
The Marshal
killed.
The defeat of
Blackewater.
[II. i. 25.]
Sir Richard
Bingham
marshal.
\
New forces
for Ireland.
A.D.
1 598 -
The
Captaines.
Rebellion in
Mo tins ter.
Anno 1 598 .
FVNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
•1050 Foot.
Bagnol, who was appointed to goe with them to Lough-
foyle, in the North of Ireland : but after the defeate of
Blackwater, they were countermaunded to goe into
Lemster, to strengthen the Queenes Forces in the heart
of the Kingdome.
The old Companies.
Sir Samuel Bagnol, Colonell - 150
Captaine John Jephson - - 100
Captaine Josias Bodley - - 100
Captaine John Sidney - - 100
Captaine Foulke Conway - - 100
Captaine Nicholas Pynner - - 100
Captaine Edward Blaney - - 100
Captaine Tobey Calfeild - - 100
Captaine Austin Heath - - 100
Captaine Owen Tewder - - 100
To these were added new men, partly'
under old Captains, as Captaine Francis Roe, ^
Captaine Charles Egerton, Captaine Ralph | 95 ° 00 •
Bingley, and partly under new Captaines -J
Besides, Sir Samuel Bagnol the Colonell had[ Horse
the command of a Troope of Horse new raised)
After the defeate of Blackwater, Tyrone sent Ony Mac
Rory O More, and one Captaine Tyrel (of English race,
but a bold and unnaturall enemy to his Countrie, and the
English), to trouble the Province of Mounster. Against
whom Sir Thomas Norreys Lord President opposed him-
selfe : but assoone as he upon necessarie occasions had
with-drawne his forces to Corke, many of the Mounster
men now first about October 1598, brake into rebellion,
and joyned themselves with Tyrones said forces, spoyled
the Country, burnt the Villages, and puld downe the
houses and Castles of the English, against whom
(especially the femall sex) they committed all abominable
outrages. And now they raised James Fitzthomas as a
Geraldine to be Earle of Desmond, (which title had since
the warres of Desmond bin suppressed), with condition,
218
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
that (forsooth) he should be vassall to Oneale. The
Mounster Rebellion brake out like a lightning, for in one
moneths space, almost all the Irish were in rebellious
Armes, and the English were murthered, or stripped and
banished. Thus having inflamed Mounster with the fire
of Rebellion, and leaving this sedition to be cherished
and increased by this new Earle of Desmond, and other
Rebels of that Province, the Ulster forces returned backe
to Tyrone : The infection which Mounster men had
drawne from the corrupted parts in Rebellion, did more
and more spread it selfe, so as the old practises long held
by the Arch-Traytor Tyrone to induce them to a revolt,
now fully attained their wished effect. To the working
whereof in the hearts of the seditious, there wanted not
many strong motives, as the hatred which the Geraldines
bare to those English Undertakers (of whom I formerly
spake, in Desmonds warre), which possessed their
Ancestors lands ; also the incouragement they received by
the good successe of the Rebels, and no lesse the hope
of pardon upon the worst event. And to speake truth,
Munster undertakers above mentioned, were in great part
cause of this defection, and of their owne fatall miseries.
For whereas they should have built Castles, and brought
over Colonies of English, and have admitted no Irish
Tenant, but onely English, these and like covenants were
in no part performed by them. Of whom the men of
best qualitie never came over, but made profit of the land ;
others brought no more English then their owne Families,
and all entertained Irish servants and tenants, which were
now the first to betray them. If the covenants had been
kept by them, they of themselves might have made two
thousand able men, whereas the Lord President could not
find above two hundred of English birth among them,
when the Rebels first entred the Province. Neither did
these gentle Undertakers make any resistance to the
Rebels, but left their dwellings, and fled to walled Townes ;
yea, when there was such danger in flight, as greater
could not have been in defending their owne, whereof
A.D.
1598.
[II. i. 26.]
Spread of the
Rebellion.
The Munster
Undertakers.
219
A.D.
1598.
The chief e
Rebels.
Tyrone's
double
dealings.
Earle of Essex
Lord
Lieutenant.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
many of them had wofull experience, being surprised with
their wives and children in flight. Among the Mounster
Rebels were the Vicount Mountnarret, the Earle of
Ormonds neere Kinsman, and the Baron of Cahir, a
Butler, and of the Earles Kindred. Both these pretended
their discontent and malice against the said Earle, for cause
of their revolt. But more dangerous causes were sus-
pected, and except a Royall Force were quickly opposed to
the Rebels bold attempts, a generall revolt was feared.
May you hold laughter, or will you thinke that
Carthage ever bred such a dissembling faedifragous wretch
as Tyrone, when you shall reade, that even in the middest
of all these garboyles, and whilest in his letters to the
King of Spaine he magnified his victories, beseeching him
not to beleeve that he would seeke or take any conditions
of Peace, and vowing constantly to keepe his faith plighted
to that King, yet most impudently he ceased not to
entertaine the Lord Lieutenant by letters and messages,
with offers of submission. This hee did, but not so
submissively as before, for now the Gentleman was growne
higher in the instep, as appeared by the insolent con-
ditions he required.
Ireland being in this turbulent State, many thought
it could not bee restored but by the powerfull hand of
Robert Earle of Essex. This noble Lord had from his
youth put himselfe into military actions of greatest
moment, so farre as the place he held in Court would
permit, and had of late yeeres wonne much honour in
some services by Sea and Land, so as he had full
possession of a superintendencie over all martiall affaires,
and for his noble worth was generally loved, and followed
by the Nobilitie and Gentrie. In which respects the
Queene knew him fit for this service. He had long been a
deare favourite to the Queene, but had of late lien so open
to his enemies, as he had given them power to make his
imbracing of military courses, and his popular estimation
so much suspected of his Soveraigne, as his greatnesse
was now judged to depend as much on her Majesties feare
220
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
of him, as her love to him. And in this respect he
might seeme to the Queene most unfit for this service.
But surely the Earle was perswaded, that his Honour
could not stand without imbracing this Action ; and since
he affected it, no man durst be his rivall. Besides that,
his enemies gladly put forward this his designe, that they
might have him at more advantage by his absence from
Court. Finally, the vulgar gave ominous acclamations
to his enterprise, but the wiser sort, rather wished then
hoped happy effects, either to his private or the publike
good, in regard of the powerfull enemies hee left in Court,
(whence all seconds were to come to him), and of his owne
distracted ends (though enclined to the publike good, yet
perhaps, in aiming at the speedy end of this warre, and some
other particulars, not fully concurring with the same.)
The Earle of Essex, when he first purposed to intertaine
the managing of the Irish warres, advised and obtained,
that two Regiments of old souldiers should be transported
out of the Low-Countries into that Kingdome : namely,
The first Regiment.
Sir Charles Pearcy Colonell
Captaine Richard Moryson Lieu-
tenant Colonell -
Sir Oliver Lambart -
Captaine Henrie Masterson
Captaine Randal Bret
Captaine William Turret -
Captaine Turner -
200'
150
>ic>5oFoote,
150
1 5 °
TOO
A.D.
I598.
[II. i. 27.]
The Earle of
Essex's
Forces .
The second Regiment.
Sir Henry Dockwra, Colonel (and
Conductor of all) - - 200
Captaine John Chamberlin Lieu-
tenant Colonel - - - 150
Captaine Edmond Morgan - - 150
Captaine Edward Michelburne - 150
Captaine Walter Floyd - - 150
Captaine Garret Harvy - - 150
950 Foote.
A.D.
1 598 .
The Earles
Patent.
The
Establishment ,
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
These Regiments landed in Ireland before the Earles
comming over, and were then dispersed by the Earle into
divers Regiments of new men, to season them, and to
replenish them with sufficient Officers.
The Earles Patent was granted with title of Lord
Lieutenant, and with more ample authoritie, then many
other Lord Deputies had formerly granted them : for
whereas others had power to pardon all Treasons, Felonies,
and all offences, except such treasons as touched her
Majesties person, her heires, &c, and the counterfeiting
of money. This exception was by the Earles importunitie
left out, which hee extorted with wise providence, since
the Lawyers held all Treasons to touch the Princes person.
And whereas other Lord Deputies had power to bestow
all Offices excepting the chiefe reserved to the Queenes
gift, his Lordship had power to bestow some of the
chiefest, and to remove all Officers not holding by Patent,
and to suspend such as held by Patent. Besides his Lord-
ship had power in many things, which never had been
formerly given to any : as to make Martiall Lawes (he
being Lord Martiall of England), and to punish the trans-
gressors. And to let the lands of Tyrone and other
Rebels named, to any persons whatsoever, and to their
heires Males, reserving due rents to her Majestie. To
command the Ships already sent, and to be sent into
Ireland, except the Lord Admirall were sent forth to Sea,
and commandement were given of joyning the said ships
to his Fleete. And lastly to issue the Treasure according
to the two establishments, with liberty to alter that which
was signed by the Lords in England, with the advise and
consent of the Counsell of Ireland, so as he exceeded not
the summe of the Establishments. He had an Army
assigned him, as great as himselfe required, and such
for number and strength, as Ireland had never yet seene.
The establishment was signed by the Queene the foure
and twenty of March, being the last day (after the English
account) of the yeere 1 598 . It contained: first, the pay
of the chiefe Officers in the Army : the Lord Lieutenant
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Generali ten pound a day. The Lieutenant of the Army
three pound a day. The Generali of the Horse fortie
shillings a day : the Marshall of the Campe thirtie
shillings a day : the Sergeant Major twentie shillings a
day : the Lieutenant of the Horse twentie shillings a day :
The Quartermaster twentie shillings a day : the Judge
Marshall twentie shillings a day : the Auditor Generali
thirteene shillings foure pence a day : the Comptroler
generall of the victuals ten shillings a day : the Lieu-
tenant of the Ordinance ten shillings a day : the Surveyer
sixe shillings eight pence : two Clerkes of Munitions
each five shillings a day : foure Corporals of the field sixe
shillings eight pence a day a peece : one Commissarie of
victuals eight shillings, and three other, each sixe shillings
a day : The Carriage Master sixe shilling eight pence a
day : and twentie Colonels, each ten shillings a day ;
whereof the totall in the yeere amounts to thirteene
thousand one hundred twentie seven pound sixteene
shillings eight pence.
It contained further the pay of thirteene hundred
Horse, divided into sixe and twentie Bands, each Band
having a Captaine at foure shillings a day, a Lieutenant at
two shillings sixe pence a day, a Cornet at two shillings a
day, and fiftie horsemen each at fifteene pence a day,
whereof the totall in the yeere amounts to one and thirtie
thousand foure hundred eight pound five shillings.
It contained further the pay of sixteene thousand foote-
men, distributed into one hundred and sixty Bands, each
Band having a Captaine at foure shillings a day, a Lieu-
tenant at two shillings a day, an Ensigne eighteene pence
a day, two Sergeants, a Drum, and a Surgeon, each at
twelve pence a day, and ninetie foure souldiers, and sixe
dead paies (allowed to the Captaine) at eight pence each
by the day ; whereof the totall in the yeere amounts to
two hundred twenty eight thousand two hundred fortie
sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence.
Lastly, it contained an extraordinarie supply of six
thousand pound to be allowed by concordatum, for Spies,
223
A.D.
1 598 -
[II. i. 28.]
The yeerely
totall
1 3,127 li.
1 6s. 8 d.
The Horse.
31,408 li. 5;.
The footemen.
228,246 li.
1 3s. 4 d.
A.D.
I59 8 -
Charges not
contained in
the
Establishment ,
Newly erected
officers.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Guides, Messengers, Barkes hiring, keeping of Prisoners,
buildings, reparations, rewardes, and like charges ; the
totall of the Establishment by the yeere amounts to two
hundred seventy seven thousand seven hundred eighty
two pound fifteene shillings.
Besides her Majesty was at great charge for many
things not contained in the establishment as followeth.
First for Officers generall. The Lord Lieftenant for his
ordinary entertainement by the yeere, one thousand three
hundreth pound. His Lordships Band of Horse by the
yeere, one thousand five hundred thirteene pound two
shillings six pence. His Lordships fifty footmen by the
yeere, six hundred eight pound sixe shillings eight pence.
Both these bands of horse and foot being not of the
Army, I take to be allowed him for his followers, and the
servants in his family, besides his company of horse and
foot in the Army ; the Treasurer at warres Ty the yeere
sixe hundred eight and thirty pound fifteene shillings.
The Marshall of the Army by the yeere one hundred
foure pound eighteene shillings and nine pence. The
Master of the Ordinance for himselfe by the yeere foure
hundred fifty pound three shillings foure pence, and for
Clerkes, Gunners, and Ministers of the Ordinance by the
yeere, foure hundred fifty nine pound five shillings ten
pence. The Muster-Master generall by the yeere two
hundred nine pound seventeene shillings six pence.
Secondly for chiefe Officers newly erected. The Gover-
nour of Loghfoyle, by the yeere three hundred sixty
five pound. The Governour of Caricfergus by the yeere
one hundred eighty two pound ten shillings. The Gover-
nour of Dundalke as much. The Commander of the
Forces at Rathdrum and Wickelow as much. The Com-
mander of the Forces in Ophaly as much. The Com-
mander of the Forces at Cavan as much.
These payments being made in sterling money, doe
amount to sixe thousand five hundred fourescore ten
pound nineteene shillings seven pence.
Observe that all these above named Officers (excepting
224
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
the Muster-Master) as also the Lieftenant of the Army,
The Generali of the Horse, The Serjant Major, And like-
wise the Governours of Provinces and Garrisons, have all
beside their fees, the command of a band of Horse, or of
Foot, or of both. Thirdly for Officers in the foure Courts
and certaine Pattentees : In the Exchequer the Earle of
Ormond Lord Treasurer of Ireland hath for his fee, forty
pound. The Treasurer at warres, threescore sixe pounds
thirteene shillings and foure pence. The chiefe Baron
threescore and eleven pound ten shillings, and in
augmentation fourescore eight pound seventeene
shillings and nine pence. The Chancellor foure-
teene pound. The second Baron foure and thirty
pound. The Auditor Generali two hundred pound. The
Surveyor Generali fourescore pound. The Remembrancer
forty pound. The Serjant at Law seventeene pound sixe
shillings and eight pence. The Attourney Generali one
hundred forty nine pound sixe shillings eight pence. The
Solicitor one hundred forty nine pound sixe shillings eight
pence. The Escheator six pound thirteene shillings and
foure pence. The second Remembrancer ten pound ten
shillings. The chiefe Ingrosser fourteene pound. The
second Ingrosser nine pound sixe shillings and eight pence.
The chiefe Chamberlaine thirteene pound six shillings and
eight pence. The second Chamberlaine sixe pound
thirteene shillings and foure pence. The Clerke of the
first fruits ten pound. The keeper of the Records
thirteene pound sixe shillings and eight pence. The
Usher of the Court three pound sixe shillings and eight
pence. The Clerke of the Common Pleas three pound
sixe shillings eight pence. The Transcriptor fifty three
shillings foure pence. The Deputy Auditor eleven pound.
The Vicetreasurers Deputy eleven pound. The Somoniter
one hundred sixe shillings eight pence. The Marshall of
the Court one hundred sixe shillings eight pence. A
Messenger foure and forty shillings five pence farthing.
Two Pursivants each eighteene pound five shillings fee ;
In the Kings Bench the chiefe Justice foure hundred
m. ii 225 p
A.D.
1598.
Officers in
the foure
Courts and
Pattentees.
The
Exchequer.
[II. i. 29.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1598 .
The King's
Bench.
The Common
Pleas.
The
Chauncery.
Officers of the
State.
pound. The second Justice one hundred three and thirty
pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Clerke of the
Crowne ten pound.
In the Common Pleas the chiefe Justice threescore seven
pound ten shillings, and in augmentation fourescore eight
pound seventeene shillings nine pence farthing. The
second Justice forty pound, and in augmentation twenty
pound. The Protonotor ten pound. In the Chauncery.
The Lord Chauncellor foure hundred and fifteene pound
sixe shillings eight pence. The Master of the Roles fifty
pound, and in augmentation fourescore eight pound seven-
teene shillings nine pence. Two Ministers each seven &
twenty pound thirteen shillings foure pence. The Clerke
of the Crowne sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence,
and in augmentation six & twenty pound thirteene
shillings foure pence. The Clerke of the Hamper foure-
teene pound. Divers Officers in the Starre-chamber sixe
and fifty pound thirteene shillings foure pence. Divers
Ministers of the Ordinance holding by Patent one hundred
thirty five pound thirteene shillings five pence farthing.
The Constable of the Castle of Dublyn and his warders
with divers other Constables and Porters three hun-
dred thirty five pound thirteene shillings two pence
farthing.
For Officers of the State. The Secretary one hundred
sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence. The Clerke
of the Counsell threescore and two pound thirteene
shillings foure pence. The Surveyer of the victuals one
hundred forty three pound sixe shillings eight pence. The
King at Armes thirty five pound sixe shillings eight pence.
The Serjant at Armes eighteene pound two shillings two
pence halfe penny farthing. The Pursivant at Armes
thirteene pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Irish
Interpreter seven and twenty pound seven shillings sixe
pence. Officers about the Custome forty pound. For
Creation money to Noble men ; the Earle of Ormond
thirty pound. The Earle of Kildare twenty pound. The
Earle of Clanrickard forty pound. The Earle of
226
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Thomond twenty pound. The Baron of Kaher fifteene
pound. Divers annates & procurations two hundred
fourescore & nineteene pound nineteene shillings three
pence halfe penny. For Parchment, Paper, Inke, Bagges,
&c. in the Exchequer, Kings Bench, and Common Pleas,
two hundred fourescore two pound, ten shillings eight
pence : For other payments by warrant two hundred
sixe and twenty pound two shillings foure pence. In the
County of Wexford, the Justice of the liberties twenty
pound. The Senescall five & twenty pound. The
Receiver twenty pound. The Marshall forty shillings.
The totall of these being paid in Irish mony, is foure
thousand six hundred fifteene pound thirteene shillings
halfe penny ; which reduced to sterling money, makes
three thousand foure hundred threescore one pound
thirteen shillings 9 pence.
Fourthly for Officers in Lemster. The Lieftenant of
the Queens County one hundred twenty one pound
thirteene shillings foure pence. The Provost Marshall of
the Army threescore and seventeene pound eleven shillings
three pence. The Provost Marshall of Lemster one
hundred and two pound thirteene shillings one penny
halfe penny. These paid in sterling money, amount to
three hundred one pound sixteene shillings eight pence
halfe penny.
Fifthly, for Officers in Mounster, the Lord President
one hundred three and thirty pound sixe shillings eight
pence. His diet with the Counsell allowed at his table,
five hundred twenty pound. His Retinue of twenty foot
with the Officers, and of thirty Horse, eight hundred and
three pound. The chiefe Justice one hundred pound.
The second Justice threescore sixe pound thirteene
shillings foure pence. The Queenes Attourney thirteene
pound sixe shillings eight pence. The Clerke of the
Councell twenty pound. The Clerke of the Crowne
twenty pound. The Serjant at Armes twenty pound.
The Provost Marshall two hundred five and fifty pound
ten shillings. The totall being paid in sterling mony, is
227
A.D.
1 598 .
Officers in
Lemster.
[II. i. 30.]
Officers in
Mounster.
A.D.
1 598 -
Officers in
Connaght.
Irish Kerne.
Warders.
Commissaries
of Musters.
Pensioners.
Almes-men.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
one thousand nine hundred fifty one pound sixteene
shillings eight pence.
Sixtly, for Officers in Connaght, the chiefe Com-
missioner (or Governour) one hundred pound : his diet
with the Counsel at his table, one hundred fourescore two
pound ten shillings. An allowance to himselfe forty
pound. The Justice one hundred pound. The Queenes
Attourney twenty pound. The Clarke of the Crowne
twenty pound. The Clarke of the Counsell twenty
pound. The Serjant at Armes twenty pound, the Provost
Marshall two hundred threescore and foure pound, twelve
shillings sixe pence. An increase of pay to the present
chiefe Commissioner, two hundred fourescore two pound
ten shillings.
The totall being paid in sterling money, is nine hundred
forty nine li. twelve s. sixe d.
Seventhly, certaine bands of Irish kerne, five hundred
threescore nineteene pound eight shillings nine pence.
Eightly, for warders in severall Provinces, three
thousand five hundred threescore and seventeene pound
two pence halfe penny.
Ninthly, for Commissaries of Musters, five hundred
threescore seventeene pound eighteene shillings foure
pence.
Tenthly, Pensioners of all sorts, as well recorded in
the Office of Musters, as those holding by Patent, and
recorded with the Auditor, some holding for tearme of
yeers, some during life, some during good behaviour,
some during pleasure, three thousand two hundred forty
nine 1. nine d.
Lastly, Almes-men, fourescore eight 1. nineteene s.
foure d. ob.
The totall of the above named charge not contained in
the establishment, is twenty one thousand three hundred
twenty eight 1. eight s. seven d. ob.
Adde to this the establishment, two hundred threescore
seventeene thousand seven hundred fourescore two pound,
fifteene shillings.
228
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
The totall of the yeerely charge, is two hundred foure-
score and nineteene thousand, one hundred eleven pound
three s. seven d. ob.
To which if you adde the great charge of all sorts of
Munitions, with the like extraordinary expences, and doe
also consider that the thirteene hundred Horse, and sixe-
teene thousand Foot, by new supplies were made fully
twenty thousand : the heavy burthen of this yeeres warre
in Ireland will appeare.
The Earle of Essex had in speciall charge from the
Queene, to bend all his forces against the chiefe Traitor
Tyrone, (and the Ulster Rebels his confederates), and
withall to plant Garrisons at Loughfoyle and Balishannon,
to the end they might at the same time assayle him (and
them) at the backe (both which courses his Lordship had
in all counsels perswaded, and often taxed the omissions
of them). Thus with happy acclamations of the people
(who to so worthy a Generali in the head of so strong
an Army, did ominate nothing but victory and triumphes),
yet with a Sunne-shine thunder happening (as Master
Camden notes for an ominous ill token) : This noble
Lord (accompanied with the flower of the English Gentry,
and conducted on his way with many of the Nobility),
tooke his journy from London towards Ireland, in the
end of the Moneth of March, and the beginning of the
yeere 1599, and though crossed with tempestuous
weather, (wherein the Earle of Kildare, and some gallant
gentlemen accompanying him in a little barke, chosen of
purpose for speed, were unfortunately cast away), landed
within few dayes at Dublin, where according to the
manner of other Governours, he received the Sword.
Upon his Lordships demaund to bee advertised from
the Counsell of the present state of that Kingdome, a
Collection thereof, debated and agreed upon in Counsell,
and signed by the Counsellers, was presented to his Lord-
ship the seventeenth of Aprill, being to this effect.
First, for the Province of Lemster, in the Countie of
Dublin, all the Mountainers were in actuall rebellion,
229
1 599 -
The totall of
the yeerely
charge.
Special charge
to the Earle
of Essex.
An. 1 599.
[II. i. 31.]
The present
state of
Ireland.
Dublin.
A.D.
1 599 -
The present
State of
Ireland.
Kildare.
Carlogh.
Wexford.
Queenes
Countie.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
as Phelim Mac Feagh, and his brother Redmond, with
their Sept (or name) of the Obyrns, and Phelim Mac
Feagh with his Sept of the Otooles, and Walter Mac
Edmond chiefe of the Galloglasses, with his Sept of Mac
Donnels ; onely two Castles, Newcastle and Wickloe,
Sir Flenrie Harrington held for the Queene, and all the
rest of the Countrie continued loyall. The Rebels
thereof were in number foure hundred eightie Foot, and
twentie Horse. In the County of Kildare James Fitz-
pierce a Geraldine, two Geraldines, base brothers to the
late Earle of Kildare, some of the Delahides, some of the
Odempsies, and some of the Eustaces (of which Sept
was the late Vicount Baltinglasse attainted), all in action
of Rebellion, were in number two hundred and twentie
Foote, and thirtie Horse. All the rest of the Countrie
being wasted by the Rebels, yet held for the Queene.
In the County of Carlogh, being little and all wasted,
the Castles of Carlogh and Laughline, and her Majesties
house of Femes, held by the Queenes Wardes, and sixe
Castles belonging to the Earle of Ormond, held for the
Queene ; but the Cavanaghs, and Keytons, were in
Rebellion. In the County of Wexford being wasted,
all the Castles held for the Queene, and Sir Thomas
Calclough, Sir Richard Masterson, and Sir Dudly Loftus,
the onely English there inhabiting, held for the Queene.
But Donnel Spaniagh (alias Cavanagh) with all that Sept,
the Omorroghs, Mac ony More, all the Kinsellaghes,
Dermot Mac Morice, and divers others with their
followers, were all in rebellion, and in those two Counties
the Rebels were in number seven hundred and fiftie Foote,
and fiftie Horse. In the County of Leax, called the
Queenes Countie, lately all English, now usurped by the
Rebels Owny Mac Rowry Omore, and all the Sept of
O Mores, and the chiefe of the Galloglasses in that
County, of the Sept of Mac Donnel, the Sept of
O Dempsies (except Sir Terence O Dempsey) the Sept
of O doynes (except Teig Oge O Doyne), were al in
rebellion, and the base son of the Earle of Kildare, a
230
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Geraldine, lately came in upon protection. The Rebels
were in number five hundred seventie Foote, and thirty
Horse. Master Hartpol, Master Bowen, and Master
Pygot, were the onely English Inhabitants, by whom
and some others, certaine Castles were kept for the
Queene, besides the Fort of Mariaborough kept by the
Queenes Garrison. In the Countie of Ophalye, called
(of Phillip King of England) the Kings County, lately
English, the Fort of Phillipstowne was kept by an
English Garrison, Sir George Colley, Sir Henrie Warren,
Mast. John Moore, and Mast. Phillips, held their Castles
for the Queene, the rest of the Castles were kept by the
sept of the Oconners then rebels, and al the land was
wasted, the Sept of the Omollyes and Odonners were
likewise in rebellion, and they were all in number foure
hundred sixtie and eight Foot, and twelve Horse. In
the County of Kilkenny, the Vicount of Mountgaret, a
Butler, of the Earle of Ormonds Family, and sonne in
Law to Tyrone, was in rebellion, with his brethren, and
with some of his sonnes, and with his followers, being
in number one hundred and thirty Foote, and twentie
Horse, and held the Castles of Balliragge and Colekil ;
the rest of the Castles, and the whole County were held
by the Earle of Ormond for the Queene. In the County
of Meath, the sonne and heire of Sir William Nugent
was in rebellion, and the Countie lying in the heart of the
Pale, was greatly wasted by the Ulster Rebels, and many
Castles lay waste without inhabitants, but no Rebels
possed either Towne or Castle therein. In the County
of Westmeath, lying for the most part waste; the
Omollaughlines, and the Magoghegines, many of the
Nugents, and the Geraldines were in rebellion, being in
number 140 Foot, and twentie Horse, besides Captaine
Tyrel (a Rebel of English race), who had of Ulster men
and other strangers two hundred Foote. In the County
of Lowthe, Sir Edward Moore and Sir Francis Stafford
were the only English house-keepers, al the lands were
wasted by the Ulster rebels ; but the Lord of Lowthe,
231
A.D.
1599.
The present
state of
Ireland.
Kings County.
Kilkenny.
Meath.
Westmeath.
Lowthe.
[ii. i. 3^.]
A.D.
1 599 *
The present
state of
Ireland,
Lonford.
The Province
of Ulster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
an English-Irish Barron, and all the Townes and Castles
stood firme for the Queene. In the County of Lonford,
all the Ofarrols were in rebellion, except two chiefe men
of that Family, and the Castle of Longford was held
by an English Warde, and the Rebels were in number
one hundred and twenty Foot. The whole number of
the Rebels in this Province of Lemster was three
thousand fortie and eight Foote, and one hundred eighty
two Horse.
Secondly, for the Province of Ulster (consisting all of
Irish Septs, except the Scots possessing the Rowt and
Clinnes), those of Lecale, and the little Ardes held for
the Queene, but overawed by Tyrone, were forced to
give way to him to tirannize in their Countries. Dun-
dalke the frontier Towne betweene the Pale and Ulster,
and Knockfergus (or Carickfergus) a frontier Towne
towards Scotland, were kept by English Garrisons, as
likewise the Newry, Carlingford, Greene Castle, and
Narrow water (all neare Dundalke), and the Castle of
Ballinecargie in the Brenny, the rest were all in Rebellion.
Neale Brian Fertough in the upper Clandeboyes, had in
number eighty Foote and thirtie Horse. Shane Mac
Brian in the lower Clandeboyes had eighty foote and fiftie
Horse. The Whites Countrie (or the Duffery) had
twentie Foote. Mac Arten and Sleaght Mac Oneale had
one hundred foote, and twentie horse. Mac Rorye
Captaine of Kilwarlin had sixtie foote, and ten horse.
Cormack Mac Oneale, Captaine of Kilultogh had sixtie
foote and ten horse. Hugh Mac Murtagh beyond the
Min water had fortie foote. Shane Mac Brian Carogh
upon the Ban side, had fiftie foote, ten horse. Sir James
Mac Surleyboy, and his Scots, possessing the Rowt and
the seven Glynnes, had foure hundred foote, and one
hundred horse. The Hand of Magee, belonging to the
Earle of Essex, was altogether waste. Mac Guire in
Fermannagh had sixe hundred foot, one hundred horse.
Mac Mahowne in Monaghan, and Ever Mac Coolye in
the Ferney, and others of that name in Clankarvil, had
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
five hundred foote, one hundred and sixtie horse. The
Oreylyes in the Brenny (or the County of Cavan) had
eight hundred foot, two hundred horse. Ocane in his
Countrie had five hundred foote, two hundred horse.
Sir Art Oneale in Sleught Art had three hundred
foot, sixtie horse. Henry Oge in his Countrie had two
hundred foot, and fortie horse. Tur lough Mac Henrie
Oneale in the Fues, had three hundred foote, sixty horse.
Ohagan in his Countrie had one hundred foote, thirtie
horse. Oquin in his Countrie eightie foote, twentie
horse. The Donolaghes in their Countrie one hundred
foote, sixtie horse. Mac Can in Clancan one hundred
foote, twelve horse. Tyrone the Arch-traytor in Tyrone
seven hundred foot 200 horse. Carmack Mac Baron his
brother, in his Countrie had three hundred foot and
sixtie horse. Mac Gennis in Yuogh (or Mac Gennis
Countrie) had two hundred foot, fortie horse. In Tyr-
connel Odonnels Country, Sir John Odogherty for his
Countrie had three hundred foot, and fortie horse.
Odonnels sonne in the Conologhs Countrie one hundred
and fiftie foote, and fiftie horse. Mac Swine for his
Countrie five hundred foote, and thirtie horse. Oboyle
for his Countrie one hundred foot and twenty horse. O
Donnel himselfe in the County of Donnegal two hundred
foote, sixtie horse. O Gallohore for his Countrie (in
which his chiefe house is Ballashannon) had two hundred
foote, sixtie horse. Sleught Rorie for his Countrie one
hundred foote, and fiftie horse. The forces of the Rebels
in Ulster are in all one thousand seven hundred and two
horse, and seven thousand two hundred and twentie
foote.
Thirdly, for the Province of Mounster, In the County
of Tipperary. The Lord Baron of Cahir a Butler, with
his brother and followers, had three hundred foote twelve
horse. Edmond Fitzgibbon called the White Knight
(this nickname given to one for his grey heares, comming
as hereditarie to his posteritie), in his Country foure
hundred foote, thirtie horse. Richard Pursell Baron of
233
I 599-
The present
state of
Ireland.
The Province
of Ulster.
The Province
of Mounster.
Tipperary.
A.D.
1 599
The present
state of
Ireland.
Corke.
[ii. i. 33.]
Limrick.
Kerrie.
County of
Desmond.
Waterford.
Connaught.
Roscommen.
Sligo.
Leytrim.
Maio.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
Loughwey 200 foot, 6 horse. The Omulrians three
hundred foote, sixe horse. The Omaighirs sixtie toote,
three horse. The Okennydayes five hundred foot, thirty
horse. The Burkes in the Lord Burkes Countrie, two
hundred foote, foure horse. In the County of Corke,
James Fitz thomas, the supposed Earle of Desmond, two
hundred and fifty foote, thirtie horse. The Lord of
Dowallough two hundred foote, eight horse. Barry Oge,
and the Lord Barryes brother in the Muskerye, one
hundred and twentie foote, three horse. Davy Burke in
the Carbrye five hundred foote. In the County of Lim-
rick, Pierce Lacy, with divers septs, had three hundred
foote, and fifteene horse. In the County of Kerrie, the
Lord Fitz Morrice, Thomas Oge, John Delahyde, with
others, five hundred foote, thirtie horse. In the County
of Desmond, called Oswyllivan Beare, and Oswillivan
Mores Countrie, Dermod Mac Owen (usurping the name
of Mac Arty Moore) had five hundred foote, six horse.
In the County of Waterford, the Rebels had two hundred
foote, and ten horse. In all the Rebels of this Province
of Mounster were strong five thousand thirtie foote, and
two hundred fortie two horse. This number the Earle
of Ormond judged to bee the least, and thought the horse
one hundred more in number. Observe, that all the
Cities and Port-townes, and almost all the Castles in this
Province of Mounster, and many great Lords and Gentle-
men, held for the Queene.
Fourthly and lastly, for the Province of Connaught;
In the County of Roscommen, the Castles of Roscommen,
Athlone, Tuiske, Boyle, and Ballineslawe, were kept at
her Majesties charge, and the Rebels of divers septs had
five hundred foote, sixtie horse. In the County of Sligo,
O Conner Sligo, and divers septs of rebels, had three
hundred foot, and thirtie horse, and onely the Castle of
Calony held for the Queene. Orworke in Leytrim
(called Ororkes Countrie) had sixe hundred foote, sixtie
horse, and not any Castle was kept for the Queene. In
the County of Maio, some three Castles lately held for
234
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
the Queene, but were thought to be rendred up to Mac
William, who with his followers had sixe hundred foot,
sixtie horse. In the County of Galloway, the towne of
Galloway, of Athenrie, and the Castle of Milech, held for
the Queene, but many septs of the Country were in
rebellion, who had some foure hundred ninetie foote.
In the County of Clare, the Earle of Thomonds brother
(who first was upon suspition committed to prison by
the said Earle, and after released), with the Obryans,
and Mac Marres, and other septs, had sixe hundred foote,
fiftie horse, and not one Castle was there kept for the
Queene. In all, the rebels of this Province of Connaught
were strong three thousand and seventie foote, two
hundred and twentie horse. And the Rebels in all the
foure Provinces were strong eighteene thousand two
hundred fortie sixe foote, and two thousand three hundred
forty sixe horse.
The Earle of Essex in the moneth of Aprill dispatched
two letters to the Lords in England ; by the first whereof
he advertised them of this strength of the rebels ; and
by the second, that Tyrone had in counsell resolved, first,
to hearten his confederates, and strengthen them in their
dependency on his protection ; then to make two heads
against the Queenes forces, the one in Ulster, of some
sixe thousand horse and foote, under his owne commaund,
and the other in Connaght of some foure thousand horse
and foote under O donnells commaund : and further
advertised their Lordships, that many in Mounster had
taken a solemne oath at a publike Crosse in that Province,
to be stedfast in their rebellion. And that no traytor
sought pardon, but used such insolent behaviour, as might
well shew they had no such thought. That the mindes
of the very subjects were so alienated from the English,
as well for Religion as Governement, as some who could
bring one hundred horse, and three hundred foote into
the field upon private revenge, would protest not to be
able to serve the State with sixe horse or foote. That
every active borderer had a solliciter with the Rebels,
235
A.D.
1 599 -
The present
state of
Ireland .
Galloway.
Clare.
Letters from
the Earle
of Essex.
A.D.
1 599 -
[II. i. 34.]
Two ships
from Spaine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and almost every one of the greatest in the State had
some Rebell or other to his Client. Concluding, that
small or no assistance could be promised from the Irish,
so as howsoever the Queenes Army was great, yet he
durst boldly say, that the playster would doe no more
then cover the wound.
After few dayes of rest, good part of the English
forces being drawne together, this noble Lord Lieutenant
gave entrance to his first actions, from which the progresse
commonly receiveth a kind of ominous luster or staine.
And therein hee attempted not the head of the Rebellion,
according to his own advise in England, and the Queens
expresse commaund, but was induced by some of the
Counsell in that State, aiming at their owne private
interest, more then the publike good, to leade his forces
against some few Rebels in Mounster, where he tooke
the Castle of Cahir, belonging to Edward Butler, Baron
of Cahir, and making a great prey of the rebels cattle
in those parts, he cast the terror of his forces on the
weakest enemies, whom he scattered and constrained to
flie into Woods and Mountaines, to hide themselves.
The fifteenth of June, while the Lord Lieutenant was
yet in this Mounster journey, he received advertisement
from a Captaine, whom he had imployed by sea into the
North, to spie out Tyrones actions, that two ships lately
come from Spaine, had put confidence in Tyrone, who
went from Dungannon to Loughfoyle about that busi-
nesse, but they brought onely munition, not any treasure.
That Tyrone had given forces to Brian Mac Art, sonne
to Art Mac Baron, that hee might take pledges, and
watch over Neale Mac Brian, whom he suspected, and
had charged Mac Genis to doe the like over Mac Cartan,
also suspected by him, so as there was no possibilitie to
parley with them, according to the instructions given by
his Lordship. That Tyrone kept his great pledges, Shane
Oneales sonnes, in an Hand, within a strong fastnesse,
but as yet had neither gathered at home, nor received
from forraine parts any treasure. That both Tyrone and
236
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
O donnel had their Agents in the out lies of Scotland,
to sollicite the Redshankes to assist them for pay. That
the King of Spaine had promised them aide of men,
which they would not have landed in Ulster, but in some
Port of Mounster, or at Galloway in Connaght. That
Scots daily carried Munition to them, which trafficke
might be hindred by two Gallies with Oares, but no
ship using sayles could stop their passage. That the
grosse of the Northerne Rebels in Ulster, and part of
Connaght drawne together, would be nine thousand foote,
and one thousand foure hundred horse. That they were
confident to draw the warre into such a length, as should
be unsupportable to the State of England. To which
end Odonnel had hired a Masse of Redshankes, who
were to be cessed in Connaght and Mounster, because
Tyrone, having deadly fewde with some of the chiefe
Leaders, durst not trust them in Ulster. Besides that
upon arrivall of forraine treasure, great multitudes of
those Scots were like to flocke unto them. And to the
same end Tyrone had made strong fastnesses or intrench-
ments, aswell upon the passages of Loughfoyle and
Ballishanon, (where he left forces to resist the English
Garrisons to be sent thither), as at the Blackewater, and
Ballinemoyree, himselfe purposing to meet the English
Army in the woods of Ballinemoyree, betweene Dundalke
and the Newry, where he hoped to make some of the best
to drop, and after to fall backe at his pleasure to like
fights of advantage, which he had prepared at the Blacke-
water. So as the onely meanes suddenly to breake those
rebels, was to hier 4000. Redshankes, to breake in upon
them, (by advantage of their rowing boates) into the
heart of Tyrone, betweene these intrenchments, where
they might easily take from him all his wealth, consisting
in cattell, and there intrench themselves, and in despite
of all Tyrones forces, be supplied with all necessaries
from the Scottish Hands. And indeed to this purpose,
the Lord Bourgh, if he had not beene prevented by
sudden death, had contracted with those Scots, promising
1 599 -
Aide promised
by the King
of Spaine.
Tyrone's
fastnesses.
Meanes to
breake the
rebels.
237
A.D.
1 599 *
Pay to the
Scots.
Letter from
the Lord
Lie fe tenant
to the Queene.
[n. i. 35.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
4000. men for the first moneths pay, 1200. pound, the
chiefe Leader a Colonels pay, and certaine Captaines the
pay of a Captaine of 100, men. After which moneth,
their Septs were to be cessed for their victuals, upon such
countreys, as they must have fought with the Rebels for
every morsell : Namely, the sons of Agnus mac Connell
with their Sept, upon the Route, the Glinnes, and North
Clandeboy, who for the pretence they had to inherite that
Countrey, would prosecute James mac Surley, the
possesser thereof to the uttermost. Donnel Grome and
his Sept, uppon Yuogh, being Mac Genis his Countrey.
The Mac Lanes and their Sept, upon the South Clande-
boy, and the Duffren. All which Septs were to put in
pledges to the Lord Bourgh, not to prey any under the
Queenes protection, and to depart the Kingdome, when
his Lordship should please no longer to make use of
their service.
The five and twenty of June, during the said Mounster
journey, the Lord Liefetenant wrote unto the Queene
this Letter following.
W Hen this shall come to your Majesties hands, I
know not ; but whensoever it hath that Honour,
give it leave (I humbly beseech your Majesty) to tell
you, that having now passed through the Provinces of
Lemster and Mounster, and been uppon the Frontire of
Connaght, (where the Governour and the chiefe of the
Province were with me) ; I dare begin to give your
Majesty some advertisement of the state of this King-
dome, not as before by heare-say, but as I beheld it with
mine owne eyes. The people in generall have able bodies
by nature, and have gotten by custome ready use of
armes, and by their late successes boldnes to fight with
your Majesties troopes. In their pride they value no
man but themselves, in their affections they love nothing
but idlenesse and licentiousnesse, in their rebellion they
have no other end, but to shake off the yoake of obedience
to your Majesty, and to root out all remembrance of the
238
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
English Nation in this Kingdome. I say this of the
people in generall, for I find not onely the greater part
thus affected, but that it is a generall quarrell of the
Irish, and they who doe not professe it, are either so
few, or so false, that there is no accompt to be made of
them. The Irish Nobility and Lords of Countreys, doe
not onely in their hearts affect this plausible quarrell, and
are divided from us in religion, but have an especiall
quarrell to the English governement, because it limitteth
and tieth them, who ever have beene, and ever would be
as absolute Tyrants, as any are under the Sunne. The
Townes, being inhabited by men of the same religion and
birth as the rest, are so carried away with the love of
gaine, that for it, they will furnish the rebels with all
things that may arme them, or inable them against the
State, or against themselves. The wealth of the King-
dome, which consisteth in cattle, oate-meale, and other
victuals, is almost all in the Rebels hands, who in every
Province, till my comming, have beene Masters of the
field. The expectation of all these Rebels is very present,
and very confident, that Spaine will either so invade your
Majesty, that you shall have no leisure to prosecute them
here, or so succour them, that they will get most of the
Townes into their hands, ere your Majesty shall relieve
and reinforce your Army. So that now if your Majesty
resolve to subdue these Rebels by force, they are so
many, and so framed to be Souldiers, that the warre of
force will be great, costly, and long. If your Majesty
will seeke to breake them by factions amongst themselves,
they are covetous and mercinary, and must be purchased,
and their Jesuites and practising Priests, must be hunted
out and taken from them, which now doe sodder them
so fast, and so close together. If your Majesty will have
a strong party in the Irish Nobility, and make use of
them, you must hide from them all purpose of establish-
ing English governement, till the strength of the Irish
be so broken, that they shall see no safety but in your
Majesties protection. If your Majesty will be assured
239
A.D.
1599 .
The state of
the Kingdome.
Spaine.
Rebels
covetous and
mercinary.
A.D.
1 599 *
Worth of the
Toivnes.
Defence of the
Country.
Magazines.
[II. i. 36.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
of the possession of your Townes, and keepe them from
supplying the wants of the Rebels, you must have
garrisons brought into them, able to command them, and
make it a capital offence for any Merchant in Ireland, to
trade with the Rebels, or buy or sell any armes or
munition whatsoever. For your good subjects may have
for their mony out of your Majesties store, that which
shall be appointed by order, and may serve for their
necessary defence, whereas if once they be tradable, the
Rebels will give such extreme and excessive prices, that
they will never bee kept from them. If your Majesty
will secure this your Realme from the danger of invasion,
assoone as those which direct & mannage your Majesties
intelligences, give notice of the preparations and readi-
nesse of the enemy, you must be aswell armed, and
provided for your defence : which provision, consists in
having forces upon the Coast, inroled and trained, in
having Magazines of victuall in your Majesties West
and North-west parts, ready to be transported ; and in
having ships both of warre and transportation, which
may carry and waft them both, upon the first allarum
of a discent. The enroling and training of your subjects,
is no charge to your Majesties owne cofers : The pro-
viding of Magazines, will never be any losse, for in using
them, you may save a Kingdome, and if you use them
not, you may have your old store sold, and (if it be well
handled) to your Majesties profit. The arming of your
Majesties ships, when you heare your enemy armes to
the Sea, is agreeable to your owne provident and Princely
courses, and to the pollicy of all Princes and states of
the World. But to returne to Ireland againe, as I have
shewed your Majesty the dangers and disadvantages,
which your servants and Ministers here shall and doe
meete withall, in this great worke of reducing this King-
dome. So I will now (as well as I can) represent to
your Majestie your strengths and advantages. First,
these Rebels are neither able to force any walled Towne,
Castle, or House of strength, nor to keepe any that they
240
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
get, so that while your Majesty keeps your Army in
strength and vigor, you are undoubtedly Mistresse of all
townes and holds whatsoever. By which meanes (if your
Majesty have good Ministers) all the wealth of the Land
shall be drawne into the hands of your subjects ; your
soldiers in the winter shall be easefully lodged, & readily
supplied of any wants, and we that command your
Majesties forces, may make the warre offensive and
defensive, may fight and be in safety, as occasion is offered.
Secondly, your Majesties Horsemen, are so incomparably
better then the rebels, and their foot are so unwilling to
fight in battell or grosse, (howsoever they be desirous to
skirmish and fight loose) ; that your Majesty may be
alwaies Mistress of the champion Countries, which are
the best parts of this Kingdome. Thirdly, your Majesty
victualling your Army out of England, and with your
Garrisons burning and spoyling the Countrey in all places,
shall starve the Rebell in one yeere, because no place els
can supply them. Fourthly, since no warre can be made
without Munition, and munition this Rebell cannot have,
but from Spayne, Scotland, or your owne Townes here,
if your Majesty will still continue your Ships and Pinaces
upon the Coast, and be pleased to send a Printed
Proclamation, that upon paine of death no Merchant,
Townes-man, or other Subject, doe trafficke with the
Rebell, or buy or sell in any sort any kinde of Munition
or Armes, I doubt not, but in short time I shall make
them bankerout of their old store, and I hope our Seamen
will keepe them from receiving any new. Fifthly, your
Majesty hath a rich store of gallant Colonels, Captaines,
and Gentlemen of quality, whose example and execution
is of more use, then all the rest of your troopes ; whereas
the men of best qualitie among the rebels, which are
their Leaders, and their horsemen, dare never put them-
selves to any hazard, but send their Kerne, and their
hirelings to fight with your Majesties Troopes ; so that
although their common souldiers are too hard for our
new men, yet are they not able to stand before such
m. ii 241 Q
1599 -
1. The
Rebels cannot
take the
Townes.
2. Rebels poore
horsemen.
3. Victualling.
4. Munition.
5 . Gallant
Leaders.
A.D.
1 599 *
6 . Orderly
Commanders.
The Lord
Liefetenant' s
complaint.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
gallant men as will charge them. Sixthly, your Majesties
Commanders being advised and exercised, know al
advantages, and by the strength of their order, will in
all great fights beate the rebels. For they neither march,
nor lodge, nor fight in order, but only by the benefit of
their footmanship, can come on, and goe off at their
pleasure, which makes them attend a whole day, still
skirmishing, and never ingaging themselves. So that it
hath been ever the fault and weakenesse of your Majestis
Leaders, whensoever you have received any blow. For
the rebels doe but watch and attend upon all grosse
oversights. Now if it please your Majestie to compare
your advantages and disadvantages together, you shall finde
that though these Rebels are more in number then your
Majesties Army, and have (though I doe unwillingly con-
fesse it) better bodies, and perfecter use of their Armes,
then those men which your Majestie sends over ; yet your
Majestie, commanding the walled Townes, Holdes, and
Champion Countries, and having a brave Nobilitie and
Gentry, a better Discipline, and stronger order then they,
and such means to keep from them the maintenance of
their life, and to waste the Countrie, which should nourish
them, your Majestie may promise your selfe, that this
action will (in the end) be successefull, though costly, and
that your Victorie will be certaine, though many of us
your honest servants must sacrifice our selves in the
quarrell, and that this Kingdome will be reduced, though
it will aske (besides cost) a great deale of care, industry,
and time. But why doe I talke of victorie, or of
successe? is it not knowne, that from England I receive
nothing but discomforts and soules wounds? Is it not
spoken in the Army, that your Majesties favor is diverted
from me, and that alreadie you do boad il both to me
and it ? Is it not beleeved by the Rebels, that those
whom you favour most, doe more hate me out of faction,
then them out of dutie or conscience ? Is it not lamented
of your Majesties faithfullest subjects both there and here,
that a Cobham, or a Raleigh (I will forbeare others for
242
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
their places sake) should have such credit and favour with
your Majestie, when they wish the ill successe of your
Majesties most important action, the decay of your
greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest
servants? Yes, yes, I see both my owne destiny, and
your Majesties decree, and doe willingly imbrace the one,
and obey the other. Let me honestly and zealously end
a wearisome life, let others live in deceitfull and uncon-
stant pleasure ; let me beare the brunt, and die
meritoriously ; let others achive and finish the worke,
and live to erect Trophies. But my prayer shall be, that
when my Soveraigne looseth mee, her Army may not
loose courage, or this Kingdome want phisicke, or her
dearest Selfe misse Essex, and then I can never goe in
a better time, nor in a fairer way. Till then, I protest
before God and his Angels, that I am a true Votarie,
that is sequestred from all things but my duty and my
charge ; I performe the uttermost of my bodies, mindes
and fortunes abilitie, and more should, but that a constant
care and labor agrees not with an inconstant health, in
an unwholsome and uncertaine clymate. This is the hand
of him, that did live your dearest, and will die,
Your Majesties faithfullest servant
Essex.
Towards the end of July his Lordp. brought back his
forces into Lemster, the souldiers being wearie, sicke,
and uncredibly diminished in number, and himselfe
returned to Dublin. All that his Lordp. had done in this
journey, besides the scattering of the Rebels weake troopes,
was the taking of Cahir Castle, and receiving the L. of
Cahir, the L. Roche and some others into her Majesties
Protection, who after his departure did either openly
fall againe to the rebels party, or secretly combine with
them. While his Lordp. was in this journy, some 600
men left in the Glinnes, by the unskilfulnesse of some
young Captaines and souldiers, and the ill affection of
some Irish Officers, received a disgraceful! blow from the
243
1599.
[II. i. 37-]
Cahir Cast/e
taken.
A.D.
1 599 -
A disgracefull
blow.
Journey into
Ophalia and
Leax.
Sir Conyers
Clifford
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Obirns, whereupon his Lordp. now severely punished
their fault, disarming the souldiers, and executing the
tenth man, calling the Captaines to a Martiall Court, and
discharging them, and condemning to bee shot to death
an Irish Lieutenant, who had parlied with the Rebels,
and was thought to have animated them. Then his
Lord p . understanding that the Queene was much offended
with this Mounster journy, he cast in his letters the
fault on the Counsell of Ireland, whose advise, by reason
of their long experience in those warres, he thought fittest
to follow, at his first entry, but withal gave her Majesty
ful assurance that he would presently leade the Army
into Ulster against Tyrone himselfe. Yet these letters
were scarce delivered, when by others he signified a
necessity of a journey into Ophalia and Leax neere
Dublin, against the Oconnors and Omores, whom he
brake with ease, himself leading some 1500 into Ophalia,
& sending Sir Christopher Blunt the Marshal into Leax
with 1000 men, under the command of Sir Charles Pearcy
and Sir Richard Moryson. Then at his returne, taking
a view of the Army, he found it so weakened, as by
letters signed by himselfe and the Counsell there, hee
desired a supplie of 1000 foot out of England, to inable
him presently to undertake the Ulster journey.
Thus resolved to march Northward, he commaunded
Sir Conyers Clifford, Governour of Connaght to draw
his forces up to Belike, that hee might force Tyrone to
send some of his forces that way, while he assailed him
on the other side. Sir Conyers Clifford accordingly
marched this way with one thousand foure hundred foote
by Pole, and the Earle of Southamptons Troop of one
hundred horse, under the leading of Captaine John
Jephson, with some other Irish horse : & comming to
the Curlew mountaines he left the munition and carriages
under the guard of the horse, til he passing forward with
the Foote had tried the passage. He had not gone farre,
before Ororke and other rebels with him, upon the
advantage of Woods, Bogges, and, a stony causey,
244
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
assailed our men, who at the first valiantly repelled them,
till the rebels finding the munition our men had about
them beginning to faile, renewed the charge with greater
fury then before ; at which time our men, discouraged
with the want of powder, (almost all they had about them
being spent, and their store being behind with the
carriage), as also wearied with a long march they had
made before the skirmish, began to faint, and take them-
selves to flight, whom the rebels pursued, & killed some
one hundred and twenty in the place, among which the
Governour Sir Conyers Clifford, and a worthy Captaine
Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, were lost, besides as many more
hurt, whereof the greatest part recovered. And no doubt
the rest had all perished, if the Horse had not valiantly
succored them. For the Lord of Dunkellyn (who that
day had most valiantly behaved himselfe) sent word to
Captaine John Jephson of their distresse, who presently
charged upon the causey, and to the very skirts of the
Wood, with such resolution, as the rebels either thinking
Horse could not have served there, or expecting
advantages upon them in that boggy place, stood gaping
on them, and gave way, without any resistance for a
good space, in which our men had leasure to retire over
a Ford, into the Plaine, where the carriages were, and
thence to the Abby of the Boyle, being very neere the
place. Afterwards the rebels began to charge our Horse,
but their powder being almost spent, Captaine Jephson
safely retyred, with the losse of some few horses. In a
Consultation, some were earnest to have marched forward
the next day : but the Lord of Dunkellin, Sir Arthur
Savage, Captain John Jephson, and many of the best
judgement, considering the Governor was lost, our
troopes utterly dismaied, and Odonnel come downe with
all his forces into those parts, thought fit our men should
retire to their Garrisons. So Captaine Jephson all that
night kept the Ford, while our Foote in the silent night
retired, and in the morning when they were in safetie,
hee with the Horse under his command went softly after
A.D.
1 599 -
A rebel
victorie.
[ii. i. 38.]
V allant hone.
Captaine
Jephson.
A.D.
1599 .
Supplies from
England.
Tyrone
intreats a
Parly.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
them to the Castle of Athlone. It is strange, the rebels
then present being but some two hundred, and most of
our men being old soldiers, how this defeate could be
given, but small accidents in militarie affaires, are often
causes of strange and great events : for I have heard
this mischance fully attributed to an unorderly turning
of the whole body of the Van ; which though it were
toward the enemy, yet being mistaken by some common
souldiers for a flight, it caused a generall rowte.
In the meane time the foresaid supply of one thousand
foote was sent out of England to the Lord Lieutenant,
according to his and the Counsels request. But few
daies after, his Lordship signified by his letters into
England, that he could doe no more this season of the
yeere, then to draw thirteene hundred Foote, and three
hundred horse to the borders of Ulster. Whether he
came about the Ides of September, and Tyrone two dayes
together shewed himselfe and his troopes upon distant
hilles, to the English. Then Tyrone sent Hagan to the
Lord Lieutenant, to intreat a Parly betweene his Lordship
and him ; which his Lordship refused, answering, that
if Tyrone would speak with him, he should find him next
day in Armes, in the head of the Army. The next day,
after a light skirmish, one of Tyrones horsemen cried
with a loud voice, that Tyrone would not fight, but would
speake with the Lord Lieutenant, and that unarmed, and
both withdrawne aside from the forces. The next day,
when his Lordship marched forwards, Hagan met him
againe, and declared to him, that Tyrone besought the
Queenes mercy, and that he would vouchsafe to speake
one word with him, which granted, he would in all
humblenesse attend his Lordship at the Foard Balla-clinch,
neere the chiefe Towne of the County of Louth. His
Lordship sent some before, to view the Foard, who found
Tyrone there, and hee assured them, that howsoever the
waters were something risen, yet they might easily heare
one another from each side. His Lordship being come
thither, Tyrone leaving a troope of horse upon a hill
246
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
not far off, came downe alone, and putting his horse up
to the belly in the water, with al humblenesse saluted
his Lordship standing on the other banke, and there they
passed many speeches. Then Tyrone called his brother
Cormack, Mac Gennys, Mac Guire, Ever Mac Couley,
Henrie Ovington, and O Quin, to the Foard, the Lord
Lieutenant having first called the Earle of South-hampton,
Sir George Bourcher, Sir Warham Sant Leger, Sir Henrie
Davers, Sir Edward Wingfeld, and Sir William Con-
stable, to come downe. Tyrone very Courtly saluted
each one, and after short conference, it was concluded,
that the next day Commissioners, should meete to treate
of Peace, and they made a mutuall Truce from that day
for sixe weekes, and so from sixe weekes to sixe weekes,
till the Callends of May, with caution, that it should bee
free to either side, upon foureteene dayes warning first
given, to renew the warre. And if any of the Earle of
Tyrones confederates should not assent hereunto, hee
left them to bee prosecuted, by the Lord Lieutenant.
By this time the Queene had received his Lordships
last letters above mentioned, signifying that he could
onely for this winter, draw to the confines of Ulster, with
one thousand three hundred foot and three hundred
horse ; At which time, to justifie his resolution, he sent
the judgement of the chiefe Commanders of the Army,
subscribed with their hands, dated the one twentie of
August, that for that time more could not be enterprised
for these reasons ; that the Army was unwilling to bee
drawne towards Ulster, so as many ran away from their
Colours ; that many were sicke ; that no Plantation could
be made this yeere at Loughfoyle, nor any course taken
to divert Tyrones forces ; that the Connaght Army was
defeated ; that hist Lordships Army had not above foure
thousand able men at the most ; that these were unable
to stand against the rebels, being six thousand shot, and
lying within strong intrenchments ; that much lesse any
strong Garrisons could bee left in the North, and a safe
retreit made ; And lastly, that those Garrisons, if they
247
A.D.
1599 .
Conference
with Tyrone.
A mutuall
truce.
[n. i. 39.]
Judgement of
the chiefe
Commanders.
A.D.
1 599 -
The Queen e
offended.
The Quee tie's
sharpe Letter
to the Lord
Lieutenant
and the
Counsell of
Ireland.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
could bee left there, would more endanger the English
(being continually to supply them with vittles in winter
time) then annoy the rebels. Her Majestie being highly
offended, that so royall an Army, maintained with her
excessive charge, had in sixe moneths effected nothing,
and now gave no hope of any important service to be
done against the rebels, wrote a sharpe letter to the Lord
Lieutenant, and the Counsell of Ireland, as followeth.
Elizabeth Regina. By the Queene.
R ight trusty and right well beloved Cosen and
Councellor, and trusty and welbeloved, We greet
you well. Having sufficiently declared unto you before
this time, how little the manner of your proceedings hath
answered, either our direction, or the worlds expectation.
And finding now by your letters by Cuffe, a course more
strange, if stranger may be, we are doubtful what to
prescribe you at any time, or what to build upon by your
owne writings to us in any thing. For we have clearely
discerned of late, that you have ever to this hower
possessed us with expectations, that you would proceede
as we directed you. But your actions shew alwaies the
contrary, though carried in such sort, as you were sure
we had no time to countermaund them.
Before your departure, no mans counsell was held
sound, which perswaded not presently the maine prose-
cution in Ulster, all was nothing without that, and nothing
was too much for that. This drew on the sudden
transportation, of so many thousands to be carried over
with you, as when you arrived we were charged with
more then the liste, or which wee resolved, to the number
of three hundred horse ; Also the thousand which were
onely to be in pay during the service in Ulster, have
been put in charge ever since the first journey. The
pretence of which voyage, as appeareth by your letters
was to doe some present service, in the Interim, whilest
the season grew more commodious for the maine prose-
cution ; for the which purpose, you did importune with
248
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
great earnestnesse, that all manner of provisions might
be hastned to Dublin against your returne.
Of this resolution to deferre your going into Ulster,
you may well thinke that wee would have made stay, if
you had given us more time, or if we could have imagined
by the contents of your owne writings, that you would
have spent nine weekes abroad. At your returne, when
a third part of July was past, and that you had understood
our mislike of your former course, and making your
excuse of undertaking it onely in respect of your con-
formitie to the Councels opinions, with great protesta-
tions of haste into the North, we received another letter,
of new reasons to suspend that journey yet a while, and
to draw the Army into Ophalia. The fruit whereof was
no other at your comming home, but more relations of
further miseries of your Army, and greater difficulties
to performe the Ulster warre. Then followed from you
and the Councell a new demaund of two thousand men
to which if we would assent, you would speedily under-
take what wee had so often commanded. When that
was granted, and your going onward promised by divers
letters, wee received by this bearer now fresh advertise-
ment, that all you can doe, is to goe to the frontier, and
that you have provided only for twentie daies victuals.
In which kinde of proceeding, wee must deale plainely
with you & that Councell, that it were more proper
for them, to leave troubling themselves with instructing
us, by what rules our power & their obedience are limitted,
& to bethink them, if the courses have bin only derived
from their Counsels, how to answere this part of theirs,
to traine us into a new expence for one end, and imploy
it upon another ; to which we could never have assented,
if we could have suspected it should have beene under-
taken, before we heard it was in action. And therefore
we doe wonder how it can be answered, seeing your
attempt is not in the capitall Traytors Countrey, that you
have increased our list : but it is true as we have often
saied, that we are drawne on to expence, by little and
a.d.
1 599 *
The Queene's
letter.
Camden saith
onely one
thousand.
[II. i. 40.]
A.D.
1 599 -
The Queene' s
letter.
All the World
seeth.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
little, and by protestations of great resolutions in
generalities, till they come to particular execution. Of
all which courses, whosoever shall examine any of the
arguments used for excuse, shall find, that your owne
proceedings beget the difficulties, and that no just causes
doe breed the alteration. If lacke of numbers, if sicke-
nesse of the army be the causes, why was not the action
undertaken, when the Army was in better state, if winters
approch : why were the summer moneths of July and
August lost ? if the spring was too soone, and the summer
that followed otherwise spent, if the harvest that suc-
ceeded was so neglected, as nothing hath beene done,
then surely must we conclude, that none of the foure
quarters of the yeere will be in season for you and that
Counsell, to agree of Tyrones prosecution, for which all
our charge was intended. Further we require you to
consider, whether we have not great cause to thinke, that
the purpose is not to end the warre, when your selfe
have so often told us, that all the petty undertakings in
Lemster, Mounster, and Connaght, are but losse of time,
consumption of treasure, and waste of our people, untill
Tyrone himselfe be first beaten, on whom the rest depend.
Doe you not see, that he maketh the warre with us in
all parts by his Ministers, seconding all places where any
attempts be offered : who doth not see, that if this course
be continued, the warres are like to spend us and our
Kingdome beyond all moderation, as well as the report
of the successe in all parts hath blemished our Honour,
and incouraged others to no smal proportion. We know
you cannot so much fayle in judgement, as not to under-
stand, that all the World seeth, how time is dallied,
though you thinke the allowance of that Counsell, whose
subscriptions are your Ecchoes, should serve and satisfie
us. How would you have derided any man else, that
should have followed your steps? How often have you
told us, that others which preceded you, had no intent
to end the warre? How often have you resolved us,
that untill Loughfoyle and Ballishannon were planted,
2 5 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
there could be no hope of doing service upon the capitall
Rebels? We must therefore let you know, that as it
cannot be ignorance, so it cannot be want of meanes, for
you had your asking, you had choice of times, you had
power and authority more ample then ever any had, or
ever shall have. It may well be judged, with how little
contentment, wee search out this and other errours : for
who doth willingly seeke for that, which they are so
loth to find, but how should that be hidden which is so
palpable? And therefore to leave that which is past,
and that you may prepare to remedy matters of weight
hereafter, rather then to fill your papers with many
impertinent arguments, being in your generall Letters,
savouring still in many points of humours, that concerne
the private of you our Lord Liefetenant ; we doe tell
you plainely, that are of that Councell, that we wonder
at your indiscretion, to subscribe to Letters which concerne
our publike service, when they are mixed with any mans
private, and directed to our Counsell Table, which is not
to handle things of small importance.
To conclude, if you will say, though the Army be in
list twenty thousand, that you have them not, we answere
then to our Treasurer, that we are ill served ; and that
there need not so frequent demands of full pay : If you
will say the Muster-master is to blame, we much muse
then why he is not punished, though say we might to
you our Generali, if we would Ex Jure proprio judicare,
that all defects by Ministers, yea though in never so
remote Garrisons, have beene affirmed to us, to deserve
to be imputed to the want of care of the Generall. For
the small proportion you say you carry with you of three
thousand five hundred foot, when lately we augmented
you two thousand more. It is to Us past comprehension,
except it be that you have left still too great numbers
in unnecessarie Garrisons, which doe increase our charge,
and diminish your Army, which We command you to
reforme, especially since you, by your continuall reports
of the state of every Province, describe them all to be
251
A.D.
1599 .
The Queene's
letter.
[II. i.41.]
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1599.
The Quccne' s
letter.
The cartel/.
in worse condition, then ever they were before you set
foote in that Kingdome. So that whosoever shal write
the story of this yeeres action, must say, that We were at
great charges to hazard Our Kingdome, and you have
taken great paines to prepare for many purposes, which
perish without understanding. And therefore because
We see now by your own words, that the hope is spent
of this yeeres service upon Tyrone and O Donnel, We
doe command you and our Councell, to fall into present
deliberation, and thereupon to send Us over in writing,
a true declaration of the State to which you have brought
our Kingdome, and what be the effects which this journy
hath produced, and why these Garrisons which you will
plant farre within the land in Brenny and Monaghan, as
others whereof We have written, shall have the same
difficulties.
Secondly, We looke to heare from you and them
joyntly, how you thinke the remainder of this yeere shal
be imployed, in what kind of warre, and where, and in
what numbers, which being done and sent Us hither in
writing with al expedition, you shal then understand Our
pleasure in all things fit for our service, untill which time,
We command you to be very carefull to meete with all
inconveniences, that may arise in that Kingdome, where
the ill affected will grow insolent upon Our ill successe,
and the good subjects grow desperate, when they see the
best of Our preserving them.
We have seene a writing in forme of a cartell, full of
challenges that are impertinent, and of comparisons that
are needelesse, such as hath not been before this time
presented to a State, except it be done now with a hope
to terrifie all men, from censuring your proceedings.
Had it not bin enough to have sent Us the testimony
of the Counsell, but that you must call so many of those,
that are of slender experience, and none of Our Counsell,
to such a forme of subscription. Surely howsoever you
may have warranted them, Wee doubt not but to let
them know, what belongs to Us, to you, and to them-
252
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
selves. And thus expecting your answere, We ende, at
Our Mannor of Nonsuch the fourtenth of September,
in the one and fortieth yeere of Our Raigne, 1 599*
The Lord Lieutenant being nettled, or rather galled
with this letter, resolved to leave Adam Loftus the Lord
Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George Cary Treasurer at
Warres, to governe the Kingdome in his absence, and
presently sayling into England, posted to the Court, where
altogether unlooked for, he arrived the eight and twentie
of September, and presented himselfe on his knees to the
Queene, early in the morning, being in her private
chamber, who received him not with that chearefull
countenance, which she was wont to shew him, but after
a briefe conference, commanded him to retire to his
chamber, and there to stay, untill hee knew her further
pleasure ; from whence his Lordships next remove, was
to the Lord Keepers house, in state of a prisoner.
The list of the chiefe Officers of the Kingdome,
and the Army, and the disposall of the forces
made in September, 1599, when the Lord
Lieutenant left the Kingdome.
Officers and Governours.
Lord Lieutenant the Earle of Essex. Lord President
of Mounster void by the death of Sir Thomas Norreys.
Place of chiefe Commissioner of Connaght void or pro-
visional. Lieutenant of the Army Earle of Ormond.
Treasurer at Warres Sir George Carey, The Marshals
place of Ireland void. Master of the Ordinance Sir
George Bourcher. Marshall of the Campe provisionally
Sir Oliver Lambert. Lieutenant of the Horse Sir Henrie
Davers. Serjeant Major Sir Arthur Chichester.
Colonels of Horse.
Sir William Evers. Sir Griffin Markham.
2 53
1599.
Lords Justices.
The chiefe
Officers of the
Kingdom.
[II. i. 42.]
A.D.
1 599 *
The disposal/
of the forces.
Mount ter.
Connaght.
FYNES MORYSON S ITINERARY
Colonels of Foote.
Earle of Kildare. Earle of Thomond. Lord of Dun-
kellin. Lord Audley. Lord Dunsany. Sir Edward
Denny. Sir Matthew Morgan. Sir Charles Piercy. Sir
Henry Dockwra. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir
John Bolles. Sir Edward Harbert. Sir Charles Wilmott.
Sir Henrie Power. Sir Arthur Savage.
Foure Corporals and a Provost-Marshall of the Army.
The disposall of the forces.
Horse in Mounster.
The Earle of Thomond, 25. Sir Anthony Cooke, 50.
Sir Warham Saint Leger, 25. Captaine Thomas White,
5°.
Foote in Mounster.
Earle of Thomond, 200. Master Treasurer, 100. Sir
Henrie Harington, 100. Sir Henry Power, 200. Sir
Edward Denny, 150. Sir Anthony Cooke, 100. Sir
Charles Wilmott, 150. Sir Francis Barkley, 100. Sir
John Dowdal, 100. Captaine William Power, 150.
Captaine Clare, 150. Captaine Browne, 100. Captaine
Keamys, 100. Captaine Bostock, 100. Captaine Brooke,
100. Captaine Rande, 100. Captaine Flower, 100.
Captaine Diggs, 100. Captaine William Tirwhit, 150.
Captaine Parker, 100. Captaine William Hartpoole, 100.
Captaine Francis Kingesmil, 100.
Horse in Connaght.
Earle of Clanrickard, 50. Provost Marshall, 10. Sir
Theobald Dillon, 15. Captaine George Blunt, 12.
Foote in Connaght.
Earle of Clanrickard, 100. Lord of Dunkellyn, 150.
Sir Arthur Savage, 200. Sir Thomas Bourke, 100. Sir
Gerrald Harvy, 150. Sir Hugh O Connor, 100. Sir
Theobald Dillon, 100. Captaine Badbye, 150. Captaine
Richard Pluncket, 100. Captaine Mostion, 100. Captaine
254
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Tibot ne long, ioo. Captaine Walter Floyd, 150. Cap-
taine Thomas Roper, 150. Captaine Oliver Burke, 100.
Captaine Thomas Burke, 100. Captaine David Bourke,
100.
Horse at Carrickfergus.
Neale Mac Hugh, 30.
Foote at Carrickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester, 200. Sir Richard Percy, 150.
Captaine Eington, 100. Captaine Norton, 100.
Horse at the Newry.
Sir Samuel Bagnol, 50.
Foote at the Newrie.
Sir Samuel Bagnoll, 200. Captaine Edward Blaney,
150. Captaine Freckleton, 100. Captaine Josias Bodley,
150. Captaine Francis Stafford, 100. Captaine Toby
Cawfeild, 150. Captaine Leigh, 100.
Foote at Dundalke.
Captaine Egerton, 100. Captaine Bingley, 150.
Captaine Basset, 100.
Foote at Atherde.
Sir Garret Moore, 100. Captaine Roe, 100.
Horse at Kells and Navan.
Lord of Dunsany, 50. Sir Garret Moore, 25.
Foote at Kells and Navan.
Lord Audley, 200. Lord Dunsany, 150. Sir Fulk
Conway, 150. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 200. Sir
Henry Dockwra, 200. Sir John Chamberlaine, 150.
Captaine John Sidney, 100. Captaine Ralph Sydley, 100.
Captaine Roger Atkinson, 100. Captaine Heath, 150.
Captaine Nelson, 100. Captaine Hugh Rely, 100.
Horse at Trym.
Sir Griffin Markham, 50.
2 55
A.D.
1599 .
The disposall
of the forces.
[II. i. 43-]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 599 -
The disposall Foote at Trym.
of the fines. gj r £ij ar ] es Pi erC y, 200. Captaine Roger Orme, 100.
Captaine Alford, 100.
Foote at Leax and the Barow side.
Sir Warham Saint Leger, 150. Sir Francis Rush, 150.
Captaine John Fitz-Piers, 150. Master Hartpoole, 10.
Foote at Eniscorthy.
Sir Oliver Lambert, 200. Sir Richard Masterson, 150.
Horse in and about the Nasse.
The Earle of Kildare, 50. Captaine Richard Greame,
50. Captaine Thomas Gifford, 25. Captaine George
Greame, 12. Captaine Thomas Lee, 12.
Foote in and about the Nasse.
Earle of Kildare, 150. The Earle of Southampton,
200. Sir Matthew Morgan, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus,
100. Captaine Walter Mac Edmond, 100. Captaine
Edward Loftus, 100. Captaine Thomas Williams, 150.
Captaine Thomas Lee, 100. Captaine William Eustace,
100. Captaine Esmond, 150. Captaine John Masterson,
100. Captaine Ellys Flood, 100. Captaine R. Trevor,
100.
Foote at Mullingar.
The Lord of Delvin, 150. Captaine Thomas Mynne,
100. Captaine William Stafford, 100. Captaine Lionel
Ghest, 100. Captaine William Winsor, 100. Captaine
Thomas Cooche, 100. Captaine Garret Dillon, 100.
Foote in Ophaly.
Sir Henrie Cooly, 20. Sir Henry Warren, 100. Sir
Edward Fitz-gerald, 100. Sir George Cooly, 20.
Horse at Kilkenny.
The Earle of Ormond, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25.
Sir Walter Butler, 50. Sir Cristopher Saint Laurence,
30. Captaine Garret Fleming, 25. Captaine William
Taffe, 50.
256
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
Foote at Kilkenny.
The Earle of Ormond, 200. Sir Carew Reynel, 150.
Sir Henrie Follyot, 150. Captaine Richard Croft, 100.
Captaine Henry Shelf eild, 100. Captaine Nicholas
Pinner, 100.
Foote at Ballymore, and O Carrols Countrie.
Captaine Francis Shane, 100. Captaine Edward Lister,
100. Sir Charles O Carrol, 100.
Horse and Foote at Newcastle.
Sir William Warren, 50 horse. Sir William Warren,
100 foote.
Foote at Athboy and Phillipstown.
Sir Richard Moryson, 200. Sir George Bourcher, 100.
Foote at Dublin.
Sir Henrie Foulkes, commanding the Lord Lieutenants
Guard, 200.
Horse at Fingall, and at Navan.
Sir William Evers, 100. The Earle of Southamptons
troope, commanded by Captaine John Jephson, 100. Sir
Henry Davers, 100.
Horse in the Countie of Dublin.
Sir Henrie Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Herbert, 12.
Sir Gerald Aylemer, 13. Murrogh Mac Teig T Oge, 10.
Foote undisposed.
Sir John Talbot, 22.
Totall of Horse, one thousand two hundred thirtie
one.
Totall of Foote, fourteene thousand foure hundred
twenty two.
The foresaid Lords Justices being left to governe
Ireland, upon the Lord Lieutenants sudden departure,
did easily rule the unweldy Helme of this Kingdome
M.gl 257 R
1 599 *
The disposall
of the Forces.
[P- »• +4-1
The Totall of
the Horse and
Foote.
A.D.
1 599 -
Ty rone's
hostile acts.
England to be
in combustion.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
so long, as the Sea was calme, by the continuance of that
truce formerly mentioned to bee made, betweene the Lord
Lieutenant and Tyrone, which was then concluded for
sixe weekes, and so from sixe to sixe weekes, till the
Calends of May, except either of them should give four-
teene daies warning of their purpose to breake the same.
But about the beginning of December, Tyrones party
entring into acts of hostility, the Lords Justices sent Sir
William Warren, to expostulate with him the cause of
this breach. He answered, that he had not broken the
Truce, having (according to the condition thereof) given
them fourteene dayes warning. And that he had so done,
because the Earle of Essex being imprisoned in England,
in whom he had placed all the confidence of his life and
estate, he was resolved not to relye on the Councell of
that Kingdome, who had formerly delt deceitfully with
him therein. Finally, that he could not now renew the
truce, though hee never so much desired it, since
hee had already sent Odonnel into Connaght, and
divers of his confederates into other parts to renew the
war re.
Thus much their Lordships advertised into England,
by letters full of diffidence, professing that they feared
the rebels would presently assault the English Pale. Like-
wise some ill affected to the Earle of Essex, advertised,
that among the Rebels a common rumor was spread,
and that no doubt from Tyrone, that England would
shortly be in combustion within it selfe, which increased
the suspitions already conceived of the foresaid conference
had betweene the Earle and Tyrone, to the great
prejudice of the Earle being in durance.
Now her Majestie receiving these advertisements, and
further understanding, that the rebels daily increased in
number and courage, that the meere Irish aspired to
liberty, and that the English Irish, if perhaps well affected,
yet were daunted by the ill successe of the Queenes
affaires, (whose great expences, and Royall Army they
had seene vanish into smoke), and were besides exasper-
258
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
ated with an old griefe, to be excluded themselves from
the Governement, while English Deputies were daily
sent to command them. And having intelligence, that
Tyrone full of pride, did every where bost himselfe as
Champion of the Irish Liberty and Romish Religion
(every where receiving to his protection, and cherishing
all seditious persons, helping the weake with succours,
confirming the diffident with strong hopes), and that he
was growne confident to roote out the English Governe-
ment, aswell by former successes, as by the succour of
the King of Spaine, (who already had sent him some
munition and a little mony, with bragging promises of
greater supplies), and by the faire promises and large
indulgences sent from the Pope, with a Crowne of Phoenix
fethers (perhaps in imitation of Pope Urban the third,
who sent John, the sonne to King Henry the second,
then made Lord of Ireland, a little Crowne woven of
Peacocks feathers.)
Her Majestie (I say) having these advertisements, &
finding thereby, that it was high time, to make strong
opposition to this rebellious monster, made choice of
Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy to be Deputy of Ireland,
whom her Highnesse had the last yeere purposed to
imploy in that place : At which time, the Earle of Essex,
though linked in neere friendship with him, yet secretly
opposed this her Majesties determination, alleaging that
the Lord Mountjoy had small experience in martiall
affaires, save that he had gained in the small time he
served in the Low-Countries, adding that he was too
bookish, and had too few followers, and too small an
estate, to imbrace so great a businesse. So as the Earle
not obscurely affecting this imployment himselfe, (to the
end he might more strongly confirme that dependancy
which all military men already had on him) and his
enemies willingly giving second to this his ambition, (that
by his absence they might have better advantages to hurt
him, and to benefit themselves), at that time the said
Earle easily drew this fatall governement on his owne
259
1 599-
Tyrone
Champion
the Romish
Religion.
[II. i. +5 .]
Charles
Blount,
L. Mountjoy ,
L. Deputy.
A.D.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
■ 599 -
The Lord
Deputy's
person.
shoulders, which was one of the first steps, and not the
least cause of his ruine.
Being now to write of this Honourable Lord Mount-
joy, my deceased Lord and Master, I doe faithfully pro-
fesse, and pray the Reader confidently to beleeve, (which
I hope most easily to obtaine of those, who best know
me), that as in the duty of a servant I will not omit
any thing I remember, which may turne to his Lordships
Honor, so in my love to truth, I will be so farre from
lying and flattering, as I will rather be bold modestly
to mention some of his defects, whereof the greatest
Worthies of the World cannot be altogether free. To
which I will onely adde, that as I esteeme lying and flattery
by word of mouth, among the living, to be unfallible
notes of basenesse and ignorance, so I judge these vices
infamous and sinfull, when they are left in print to deceive
posterity. Since the first may detect falshood by inquir-
ing the truth, but the latter have no meanes to rectifie
their misinformed judgements.
Thus I returne to proceed in my former narration ; and
first I will delineate (after my best skill) the true por-
traiture of this worthy Lords body and mind, then I will
collect the Councels, by which he tamed this Monster of
Rebellion ; and lastly, I will discend by order of time
to his Lordships particular actions. But ere I take my
pensill in hand to figure this Noble Lords person, I must
acknowledge my weakenesse such, as I cannot fully
apprehend his compleat worthinesse, and therefore desire,
that those of greater judgement to discerne the same,
will impute all defects to the unskilfulnes of the worke-
man, and that with others, to whom his Lordship was
lesse knowne, my rude Pen may not derogate any thing
from his due praise. Againe, give me leave to remember,
that which I received from his mouth, that in his child-
hood when his Parents would have his picture, he chose
to be drawne with a Trowell in his hand, and this Mot ;
Ad reaedificandam antiquam Domum, To rebuild the
ancient House : For this noble and ancient Barrony was
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
decaied, not so much by his Progenitors prodigality, as
his Fathers obstinate addiction to the study and practise
of Alchumy, by which he so long laboured to increase
his revenues, til he had almost fully consumed them.
Now to the purpose, let us observe how he fulfilled this
ominous presage, in rebuilding that Noble House, till
by his untimely death, the same was fatally eclipsed againe.
He was of stature tall, and of very comely proportion,
his skin faire, with little haire on his body, which haire
was of colour blackish (or inclining to blacke), and thinne
on his head, where he wore it short, except a locke under
his left eare, which he nourished the time of this warre,
and being woven up, hid it in his necke under his ruffe.
The crown of his head was in his latter dayes somthing
bald, as the forepart naturally curled ; he onely used the
Barber for his head, for the haire on his chin (growing
slowly) and that on his cheekes and throat, he used almost
daily to cut it with his sizers, keeping it so low with his
owne hand, that it could scarce bee discerned, as likewise
himselfe kept the haire of his upper lippe something
short, onely suffering that under his nether lip to grow at
length and full ; yet some two or three yeeres before his
death, he nourished a sharpe and short pikedevant on his
chin. His forehead was broad and high ; his eyes great,
blacke, and lovely ; his nose something low and short,
and a little blunt in the end ; his chin round ; his cheekes
full, round, and ruddy ; his countenance cheerefull, and
as amiable as ever I beheld of any man, onely some two
yeeres before his death, upon discontentment, his face
grew thinne, his ruddy colour failed, growing somewhat
swarthy, and his countenance was sad and dejected. His
armes were long, and of proportionable bignes, his hands
long and white, his fingers great in the ende, and his
leggs somewhat little, which hee gartered ever above the
knee, wearing the Garter of Saint Georges order under
the left knee, except when he was booted, and so wore
not that Garter, but a blew ribben in stead thereof above
his knee, and hanging over his boote.
261
A.D.
1 599 -
His bodily
presence.
[II. i. +6.]
A.D.
1599 .
The
description of
his apparrell.
His diet.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The description of his apparrell may be thought a
needelesse curiositie, yet must I adde some few words
thereof, be cause having promised the lively portraiture
of his body, aswell as his minde, the same cannot other-
wise bee so lively represented to the imagination, besides
that by his clothes, some disabilities of his body to under-
take this hard war may be conjectured, and especially the
temper of his mind may be lively shadowed, since the
Wise man hath taught us, that the apparrell in some sort
shewes the man. His apparrell in Court and Cities was
commonly of white or black Tafetaes or Sattens, and he
wore two (yea sometimes three) paires of silke stockins,
with blacke silke Grogran cloakes guarded, and ruffes of
comely depth and thicknesse (never wearing any falling
band) blacke beaver hats, with plaine blacke bands, a
taffaty quilted wastcoate in summer, a scarlet wastcoate,
and sometimes both in winter. But in the Country, and
specially keeping the Field in Ireland (yea, sometimes in
the Cities), he ware Jerkins and round hose (for hee never
ware other fashion then round) with laced panes of russet
Cloath, and clokes of the same cloth lined with Velvet,
and white Bever hats with plaine bands, and besides his
ordinarie stockings of silke, he wore under bootes another
paire of Wollen or Wosted, with a paire of high linnen
bootehose, yea three wastcotes in cold wether, and a thick
ruffe, besides a russet scarfe about his necke thrice folded
under it. So as I never observed any of his age and
strength to keepe his body so warme. He was very
comely in all his apparrell, but the Robes of Saint Georges
order, became him extraordinarilie well.
For his diet, he used to fare plentifully, and of the
best, and as his meanes increased, so his Table was better
served, so that in his latter time, no Lord in England
might compare with him in that kinde of bountie. Before
these warres, he used to have nourishing brackefasts, as
panadoes, and broths ; but in the time of the warre, he
used commonly to breake his fast with a drie crust of
bread, and in the Spring time with butter and sage, with
262
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
a cup of stale beere, wherewith sometimes in Winter he
would have suger and Nutmeg mixed. He fed plenti-
fully both at dinner, and supper, having the choisest and
most nourishing meates, with the best wines, which he
drunk plentifully, but never in great excesse ; and in his
latter yeeres (especially in the time of the warre, aswell
when his night sleepes were broken, as at other times
upon full diet) he used to sleepe in the afternoones, and
that long, and upon his bed. He tooke Tobacco
abundantly, and of the best, which I thinke preserved him
from sicknes, (especially in Ireland, where the Foggy aire
of the bogs, and waterish foule, plentie of fish, and
generally all meates with the common sort alwaies unsalted
and greene rosted, doe most prejudice the health), for
hee was very seldome sicke, onely he was troubled with
the head-ach, which duly and constantly like an ague, for
many yeeres, till his death tooke him once every three
moneths, and vehemently held him some three daies, and
himselfe in good part attributed, aswell the reducing of
this paine to these certaine and distant times, as the ease
he therein found, to the vertue of this hearbe. He was
very neat, loving clenlinesse both in apparrell and diet,
and was so modest in the necessities of nature, as my selfe
being at all howers (but time of sleepe) admitted into his
chamber, and (I thinke) his most familiar friends, never
heard or saw him use any liberty therein, out of the
priveledge of his private chamber, except perhaps in Irish
journeys, where he had no with-drawing roome.
The tender using of his body, and his daintie faire
before the warres, gave Tyrone occasion, upon hearing
of his comming over, to jeast at him, as if all occasions of
doing service would be past, ere he could be made ready
and have his breakfast, but by wofull experience he found
this jeasting to bee the laughter of Salomons Foole. His
behaviour was courtly, grave, and exceeding comely,
especially in actions of solemne pompes. In his nature
he loved private retirednesse, with good fare, and some
few choice friends. He delighted in study, in gardens,
263
1599.
[II. i. 47.]
His
behaviour.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1 599 -
His affecting
honour and
glorie.
an house richly furnished, and delectable for roomes of
retrait, in riding on a pad to take the aire, in playing
at shovelboard, or at cardes, in reading play-bookes for
recreation, and especially in fishing and fishponds, seldome
using any other exercises, and using these rightly as
pastimes, only for a short and convenient time, and with
great varietie of change from one to the other. He was
undoubtedly valiant and wise. Hee much affected glory
and honour, and had a great desire to raise his house,
being also frugall in gathering and saving, which in his
latter daies declined to vice, rather in greedy gathering,
then in restraining his former bounties of expence. So
that howsoever his retirednes did alienate his minde from
all action, yet his desire of Honour and hope of reward
and advancement by the warres, yea of returning to this
retirednesse after the warres ended, made him hotly
imbrace the forced course of the warre ; to which hee
was so fitted by his wisedome, valour, and frugalitie, that
in short time hee became a Captaine no lesse wise, wary,
and deliberate in counsell, then chearefull and bold in
execution, and more covetous in issuing the publick
treasure, then frugall in spending his owne revenewes.
And his care to preserve his Honour, and maintaine this
estate, made him (though coldly) intertaine the like forced
course of a State Counseller at home after the warres.
To the mannaging of which affaires, he was no lesse
inabled by the same valour, wisedome, and many other
vertues, had not the streame of his nature, prevailed to
withdraw him from attending them, further then to the
onely obtaining of these his owne private endes. But
surely these dispositions of nature (besides others here-
after to be mentioned), and these his private endes, made
him of all men most fit for this Irish imployment, wherein
the Queene and State longed for an ende of the warre,
and groned under the burthen of an unsupportable
expence.
Touching his affecting honour and glorie, I may not
omit, that his most familiar friends must needes observe,
264
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
the discourses of his Irish actions to have been extra-
ordinarily pleasing to him : so that, howsoever hee was
not prone to hold discourses with Ladies, yet I have
observed him more willingly drawne to those of this
nature, which the Irish Ladies entertaining him, then
into any other. And as hee had it that commendable,
yea necessary ability of a good Captaine, not only to
fight & mannage the war well abroad, but to write and
set forth his actions to the full at home, so I have seldome
observed any omission of like narrations in him, whereof
hee used to delate the more weightie seriously, and to
mention the smallest, at least by way of a jeast.
Touching his studies or Bookishnesse, (by some
imputed to him in detraction of his fitnes to imbrace
an active imployment), he came young and not well
grounded from Oxford University ; but in his youth at
London, he so spent his vacant houres with schollers best
able to direct him, as besides his reading in Histories,
skill in tongues, (so farre as he could read and understand
the Italian and French, though he durst not adventure
to speak them), and so much knowledge (at least in
Cosmography and the Mathematikes) as might serve his
owne ends ; he had taken such paines in the search of
naturall Phylosophy, as in divers arguments of that nature
held by him with schollers, I have often heard him, (not
without marvelling at his memory and judgement) to
remember of himselfe the most materiall points, the
subtilest objections, and the soundest answers. But his
chiefe delight was in the study of Divinity, and more
especially in reading of the Fathers and Schoolemen :
for I have heard himselfe professe, that being in
his youth addicted to Popery, so much as through
prejudicate opinion no Writer of our time could
have converted him from it, yet by observing
the Fathers consent, and the Schoolemens idle and
absurd distinctions, he began first to distaste many of
their opinions, and then by reading our Authours, to be
confirmed in the reformed doctrine, which I am confident
265
1 599 -
His studies.
His chiefe
delight in the
study of
Divinity.
ad. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
! 599 -
[II. i. 48.] he professed and beleeved from the heart, though in his
innated temper he was not factious against the Papists,
but was gentle towards them, both in conversation and
in all occasions of disputation. And I will be bold to
say, that of a Lay-man, he was (in my judgement) the
best Divine I ever heard argue, especially for disputing
against the Papists, out of the Fathers, Schoolemen, and
above all, out of the written Word, (whereof some
Chapters were each night read to him, besides his never
intermitted prayers at morning and night). Insomuch
as I have often heard him, with strange felicity of memory
and judgement, discover the Papists false alleagings of
the Fathers, and Texts, or additions, & omissions in them,
and to urge arguments strongly, and (as much as beseemed
him) scho Her like, as well in discourses with Jesuites and
Priests in Ireland, (more specially at Waterford, where
he made the very seduced Irish ashamed of them), as
upon divers occasions with other Papists his friends.
His nature. Further, in his nature he was a close concealer of his
secrets, for which cause, least they should be revealed,
and because he loved not to be importuned with suites,
a free speaker, or a popular man, could not long continue
his favorite : He was sparing in speech ; but when he
was drawne to it, most judicious therein, if not eloquent.
He never used swearing, but rather hated it, which I have
seene him often controle at his Table with a frowning
brow, and an angry cast of his blacke eye : He was slow
to anger, but once provoked, spake home. His great
temper was most seene in his wise carriage betweene the
Court factions of his time : He was a gentle enemy,
easily pardoning, and calmely pursuing revenge ; and a
friend, if not cold, yet not to be used much out of the
high way, and something too much reserved towards his
dearest Minions ; besides that, the strength of his judge-
ment made him so confident, as they had more power in
seconding his Counsels, then in diverting or altering them.
To his servants he was milde, seldome reproving them,
and never with ill words : for his looke of displeasure
266
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
was sufficient to checke them, and the best sort nearest
him, did so well know him, as they served and observed
him, as much almost by his lookes as his words. He
made no servant partner of his secrets, further then his
place necessarily gave him knowledge thereof, neither
could any of them leade him, or if any did, it was more
by art to know his humours, then power to sway them.
I cannot say that he was bountifull to them, some of
their places drew profit, which could no more be stopped,
then the Miller can stay the draining of his water through
his damme gates ; otherwise his gifts to them were rare
and sparing, so as if it were above an hundred pound,
it was no morsell for a servant, yet still he kept their
hopes so greene, as might continue their diligence, and
at his death he gave a thousand pound by will, to be
divided by his executors discretion among them. They
who had his eare, might easily season him with good or
ill opinion of his servants and strangers, by reason he
dranke in their speeches, without uttering them, onely
his judgement was excellent, to discerne the truth of the
relation, aswell out of the informers passions, as observ-
ing the others actions. He kept his word in publike
affaires inviolably, without which he could never have
beene trusted of the Irish : but otherwise in his promises,
he was delatory and doubtfull, so as in all events, he
was not without an evasion. Lastly, in his love to
Weomen, (for as wanton peace succeeds bloody warre,
so in the last period of his life, after the Irish warres,
griefe of unsuccessefull love brought him to his last end) :
He was faithfull and constant, if not transported with
selfe-love more then the object, and therein obstinate.
This worthy Lord Mountjoy was he, whose knowne
valour, sound wisdome, grave constancy, and singular
temper, two old Counsellers of Ireland well observing,
did on their death bed, (as it were by divining faculty)
pronounce to be the man, by whom Tyrones fatall
rebellion (in which their thoughts and endevours had long
beene wearied) was to be suppressed, if ever the English
267
1599.
His love to
Weomen.
A.D.
1 599 *
[n. i. 49.]
He cherished
active spit its.
His care for
his souldiers.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
were to recover the helme of that governement. Neither
did their presage deceive us herein : for like another
Fabius, he did by the ensuing deliberate and slow counsels,
restore his Countries declining power.
1 . He entertained & cherished (especially at his first
entering the government, when he was yet unskilfull in
the affaires of that State and warre) all active spirits,
whose endevours he saw like to be of good use in that
great action ; and this he did, rather with a pleasing
familiarity, then with any large bounty.
2. The hearts of the English common souldiers broken
with a currant of disasterous successes, he heartned and
incouraged, by leading them warily, especially in his first
actions, being more carefull, that our men should not bee
foiled, then that the rebels should be attempted with
boldnesse. To this end also, and that he might bee
ever at hand, as well to incourage and direct them fighting,
as to second them by any accident dismaied, he bravely
adventured his person, more then in the opinion of
Militarie wise men, a Generali should ordinarily hazard
himself (howsoever I must confesse, the nature of the
Irish fights, maintained upon passages, by sudden erup-
tions of hidden rogues, doth more expose the Generali
to these dangers, then any other warre.) And such was
his forwardnesse, as his Lordships servants may without
offence boldly say, they were a small part of this great
action. For howsoever we had neither stipend in the
warres with the souldier, nor pensions with them after
the warre ended, yet by reason of this our Lords extra-
ordinarie forwardnesse to put himselfe into danger, and
for that the Rebels use most commonly to assault upon
Woody paces, and difficult passages, where every man
must needes be in danger, and they most who ride in the
best troope, it could not be but that we should have
our share in the adventure of our persons. And lest I
should seeme to arrogate that to my selfe and my fellowes,
which is not due to us, the event may cleare this point.
Since in this short warre (not to speake of many lesse
268
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1599 -
dangers), my Lord himselfe had his horse shot under him, His dangers.
his Galloglasse carrying his helmet, had the same brused
with the grasing of a bullet upon it, yea, his Lordships
very Grayhound, likewise using to waite at his stirrop,
was shot through the body. Among his Lordships
Chaplaines, Doctor Lattware was killed, and Mast. Ram
had his horse shot under him. Among his Lordships
Secretaries, Master Cranmer was killed, and my selfe had
my thigh brused with a shot I received in my saddle.
Among the Gentlemen of his Lordships Chamber, Master
Chidley had his horse killed under him, Master Done was
shot in the legge, and Master Saint John, a Gentleman
attending neere his Lordship, was killed. I have heard
a pleasant report of a Generali in our age, who on the
contrary was so sparing to hazard himself : as a Gentleman
his follower, hearing some marvel at a cold peece of
service performed by his Mast merily replied for his
own excuse, that he went to follow his General, and not
to go before him. But I wil boldly say, that if our
noble Lords followers did well attend his person, they
found danger enough without seeking it. But enough
(and I feare too much) of this point, I will now returne
to this worthy Lords Counsels, by which he effected this
great worke.
3. The Rebels being swolne to the height of pride His
by their full numbers, and much more by continuall w “finesse .
successe in their actions, hee proceeded in like sort with
them, as formerly with his owne men, at the first warily
tasting them with light skirmishes, yet he so prudently
and bravely pursued his attempts, as he stil caried what
he atempted.
4. The wise distribution of the forces availed him Wise
much : for first he planted Garrisons upon the chiefe distribution of
rebels Countries, as likewise he compassed Tyrone on hls f orces -
every side with them, which kept the rebels at home, so
as they could not second one another, for feare of loosing
their owne goods.
5. And whereas other Deputies used to make some two
269
A.D.
I 599-
His keeping
the field.
[II. i. S o.]
The Larel
Deputy fought
in winter.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
or three journies in a Summer against the rebels, and
then did leade a great Army with them. And whereas
this kind of service never tooke any good effect, as well
because the bruit thereof came long before to the rebels,
as because these great forces could not long be kept
together. So as the rebels hearing the bruit of any such
journy, took victuals with them for certaine daies, and
assembling themselves together, did lie upon the bogs
and hard passages, where without danger to themselves,
they were able to annoy the greatest Army could be led
against them. This noble Lord Mount-joy on the
contrary (as I said) by Garrisons keeping them at home,
himselfe kept the field with some thousand foot and two
hundred horse (whereof my selfe have many times
observed the greater part to be English Irish), and not
onely was able to affront Tyrone himselfe (specially since
the Garrisons lying upon his Country drew towards him
at the same time, on all sides together), but also (by
reason of his singular secrecy, in keeping his purposes
unknowne, and casting out false reports of them to deceive
the rebels) had the opportunitie to assaile and spoyle any
one of the rebels on the sudden, while he kept all the
rest like dared larkes in continuall feare, aswell of him-
selfe, as of the Garrisons adjoyning.
6 Againe, where other Deputies used to assaile the
rebels onely in Summer time, this Lord prosecuted them
most in the Winter, being commonly five daies at least in
the weeke on horsebacke, all the Winter long. This
brake their hearts ; for the aire being sharpe, and they
naked, and they being driven from their lodgings, into
the Woods bare of leaves, they had no shelter for them-
selves. Besides that, their cattle (giving them no milke
in the Winter) were also wasted by driving to and fro.
Ad that they being thus troubled in the Seede time, could
not sowe their ground. And as in Harvest time, both
the Deputies forces, and the Garrisons, cut downe
their Corne, before it was ripe, so now in Winter
time they carried away, or burnt, all the stores of victuals
270
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
in secret places, whether the Rebels had conveied
them.
7 Againe, he had a speciall care to cut downe and
cleare the difficult passages, that so our forces might with
more safetie meete together, and upon all occasions second
one another.
8 For protections and pardons (the easie obtaining
whereof had formerly incouraged the rebels, aswell to
enter into rebellion, as to breake their faith after sub-
missions, in hope to be againe received to mercy), although
it was necessary for the State in this generall rebellion,
like a mother, to open her bosome to her children, lest
being driven to dispaire, they should plunge themselves
into all mischiefes, yet he never received any to mercy,
but such as had so drawne bloud on their fellow rebels,
and were themselves made so poore, as there was small
danger of their relaps. To which ende he forbad al
conferences and parleys with the rebels, by pretence
whereof many treacherous plots had formerly beene
drawne, by the false-hearted subjects, and many corrup-
tions had been practised by some covetous commanders.
But to such as were received to mercy, (that he might
take away the diffidence they had long conceived of the
State), he kept his word inviolable.
9 And whereas these rebellious people, are by nature
clamorous (which made them tedious in complaints), and
also use great oppression under the shadow of Justice,
(which made them continually importune the Governors
with petitions, which being signed by them, gave those
Irish Lords a shadow of authoritie to oppresse the people,
by shewing the Governours hand, and concealing the
matter to which he subscribed. This worthy Lord
Deputie, for their incouragement in the first, used singular
patience in hearing their tedious complaints, and for the
second, gave them such delatory answers, as might well
hearten them in obedience, but could no way strengthen
their tyranny over the poore people.
10 To conclude, nothing furthered this noble Lord
271
A.D.
1 599 *
His speciall
care to cut
downe the
difficult
passages.
His
protections and
pardons.
His patience
with the Irish
Lords.
a.d FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1 599 -
His singular more in his designes, then his singular temper, not so
temper. much in secrecy, and in sparingnesse of speech (though
many great Captaines have hindered their proceedings by
letting fall rash speeches), as more specially in Court
factions : for he used in such sort the familiar love of
the Earle of Essex, in his doubtfull courses, as he not
onely kept him from intertaining dangerous counsels, so
long as hee lived with him in England, but demeaned
himselfe towards his enemies with such moderation, as
he little provoked their envy, yea, rather gained an
inclination of their good affection towards him. So as
they at this time governing all the affaires in England,
were readie to give all possible seconds to his ends, which
(as I formerly shewed) did aime at nothing but the speedy
ende of this warre. By these counsels this worthy Lord
restored the declining State of Ireland, from the desperate
termes wherein he now found it.
I have before set downe, in the Earle of Essex his
Governement, the power of the rebels, through al the
Provinces of Ireland, and have shewed, that at his Lord-
pi. i. 51.] ships leaving that Kingdom, the same was nothing abated,
and from that time, the rebels were in all parts increased.
The Rebels The Mountaine rebels in the County of Dublin, then
strength. 480 f 00 te 20 horse, now by the going out of the Walshes
and Harrols were increased 100. In the County of
Kildare, the rebels then in number 220 foot, and 30 horse,
were now more then doubled, by the going out of the
Briminghams, all the Leynaghs, & many of other Septs.
In the two Counties of Catherlough and Wexford, the
rebels then 750 foote and 50 horse, were now increased
an hundred. In the County of Ophaly, five strong
Castles then held by the English, were now betraied,
& above 468 foot, & 12 horse then were in rebellion,
but now Mac Coughlan was gone out with 200 more,
and the Odoines with 100 more, were now in rebellion.
In the County of Meath the rebels were increased in
number 150; by the Delahides, the Rochfords, Hussies,
and Darcies. And beyond the River, Capt. John O Rely,
272
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
having then ioo foote in her Majesties pay, well armed,
was now revolted. In the County of West-Meath, the
rebels then 140 foote and 20 horse, were now increased
100 at least, by the revolt of the eldest sonne of William
Nugent, second brother to the Lord of Delvin, with
divers of the Pettyes and Daltons. In the County of
Longford, the rebels then 120 foote, were now increased
180: so the rebels in Lemster being then in the whole
number 3048 foote, and 182 horse, were now increased
1280, and made in all 4510.
For the Province of Mounster, Tyrone in his present
journy thither, taking pledges of almost all the Irish
Lords and Gentlemen, the number of the rebels were
now there increased beyond estimation.
For the Province of Connaght, the rebels were increased
three hundred, by the revolt of O Connor Sligo, besides
the uncertainty of Tybot ne Long, who had one hundred
Irish men in her Majesties pay.
So as at this time, I may boldly say, the rebellion was
at the greatest strength. The meere Irish puffed up with
good successe, and blouded with happy incounters, did
boldly keepe the field, and proudly disdaine the English
forces. Great part of the English-Irish were in open
action of rebellion, and most part of the rest temporised
with the State, openly professing obedience, that they
might live under the protection thereof, but secretly
relieving the rebels, and practising with them for their
present and future safeties. Among the English, the
worthy Generals of this age, partly by this fatall warre,
partly by the factions at home, were so wasted, as the
best judgements could hardly finde out any man fit to
command this Army in chiefe. The English common
souldiers, by loosenesse of body, the natural sicknesse of
the Country, by the poverty of the warre, in which
nothing was to bee gained but blowes, and by the late
defeates, wherein great numbers of them had perished,
were altogether out of heart. The Colonels and Com-
manders, though many in number, and great in courage
m. 11 273 s
A.D.
1 599 -
The Province
of Mounster.
The Province
of Connaght.
The rebellion
at the greatest
strength.
A.D.
1 599*
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The contagion
of the
rebellion.
[II- i- 5*0
An. 1599 .
and experience, yet by these considerations of the Armies
weakenesse, were somewhat dejected in mind. Yea, the
very Counsellors of State were so diffident, as some of
them in late conferences with Tyrone, had descended (I
know not upon what warrant) to an abject Intreaty for
a short cessation. Not to speake of the Generali distrac-
tion of the hearts of all men in England, and much more
of the souldiers, by the factions of this age, between the
worthy Earle of Essex now imprisoned and his enemies,
able to ruine a great Kingdome, much more to divert
the successe of any great action. And the generall voyce
was of Tyrone among the English, after the defeat of
Blackwater, as of Hanibal among the Romans, after the
defeat of Cannas ; Thou knowest how to overcome : but
thou knowest not how to use victorie. To conclude, not
onely the remote parts, but the very heart of the Kingdom
now languished under the contagion of this rebellion.
Leax and Ophalia being possessed by the O Mores, and
the O Conners ; and the Glynnes or Mountainous,
Country on the South-West side of Dublin, being in the
hands of the Obyrnes and O Tooles (and more remotely
of the Cavanaghs), who nightly made excursions to the
very Gates of the City, giving alarum of warre to the long
gound Senate, and (as it were) to the chaire of Estate.
In this miserable estate was Ireland, when the Lord
Mountjoy, like a good Planet, with a fortunate aspect
began to shine thereon, whose happy actions I will now
set down particularly, yet as briefly as I can.
The tenth of January, towards the end of the yeere
1599 , the Lords of England signified by their letters, to
the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George Carey
Treasurer at warres, which were then Lords Justices of
that Kingdome, that from that day forward, the enter-
tainement due to them as Lords Justices, should cease,
and bee conferred on Charles Blount Lord Mountjoy,
whom her Majestie had made Lord Deputie.
And now Tyrone (who hitherto had contained himselfe
in the North, onely making short excursions from thence
274
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
into the Pale), being proud of victories, and desirous
to shew his greatnesse abroad, resolved with his forces
to measure the length of Ireland, and to the end hee
might, by his presence strengthen, and increase the
rebellion in Mounster (which in absence by practises he
had raised), under the religious pretence of visiting a
piece of Christs Crosse, kept for a holy relike in the
Monastery of the holy Crosse in the County of Tipperary,
he entred this journy about the twentieth of Januarie.
On the three and twenty the rebels of the Brenny met
him in the Cavan, from whence he marched forward,
taking the rebels of Lemster in his company, and leading
with him some two thousand five hundred foot, and two
hundred horse, leaving the rest of his forces, & the Gentle-
men of the North to guard those parts. The intent of
his journey, was to set as great combustion as he could
in Mounster, and so taking pledges of the rebels, to leave
them under the command of one chiefe head.
This Moneth of January, her Majestie signed that
warrant, which is vulgarly called the great Warrant for
Ireland, whereby authority is given to the Lord Treasurer
and Chamberlaine of the Exchequer in England, that
according to an Establishment, after signed by her Majesty
the first of February, and to begin that day, (wherein
the Army is reduced to twelve thousand foote, and one
thousand two hundred horse), they should pay to the
Treasurer at warres for Ireland such summes, as should
bee signed by sixe of the privy Counsell of England, the
Lord Treasurer, the Principal! Secretary, and the under-
Treasurer alwaies being three of them. Secondly, above
the foure thousand pound for extraordinaries therein
mentioned, to pay him such sums as should by the same
be signed. Thirdly, to pay in like sort according to an
Establishment or list of Officers and others not contained
in the former Establishment, it not exceeding yeerely
fifteene thousand pound, which List was then to bee
signed by the Lords of her Majesties Counsell. Fourthly,
to pay in like sort divers Officers payable out of the
275
A.D
1 599 *
Tyrone's
journy to
Mounster.
The great
Warrant for
Ireland
signed.
A.D.
* 599 -
The
Establishment
signed by her
Majestie.
[II. i. 53-1
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
revenues, in case the revenues extended not to pay them.
Fifthly, to pay in like sort all summes for reinforcing
the Army, for leavyes of men, for conducting, transport-
ing, and victualling them at Sea, according to the rates
of the first Establishment.
The Establishment signed by her Majestie, the
first of February, 1599.
The Lord Deputies entertainement to be paid according
to the List after following, which List was to be signed
by the Lords. Officers of the Army : Lieutenant of
the Army per diem three li. Serjeant Major per diem
twenty s. Comptroler Generali of the victuals per diem
ten s. Foure Commissaries of victuals, whereof three at
sixe s. per diem, and the fourth at eight s. per diem.
Twelve Colonels, each at ten s. per diem. A Provost
Marshall for Loughfoyle, another for Ballishannon, each
at foure shillings per diem.
Summa per annum, foure thousand foure hundred fiftie
three pound.
The pay of three hundred horse, divided into sixe
Bands, each Band consisting of fiftie, viz, the Captaine
foure shillings per diem ; Lieutenant two shillings sixe
pence per diem ; Cornet two shillings per diem ; and
fiftie Horsemen at eighteene pence per diem a piece.
The pay of two hundred Horse, divided into foure Bands,
each Band consisting of fiftie, viz. Captaine foure s. per
diem ; Lieutenant two s six d. per diem. Cornet two s.
per diem, and fiftie Horsemen at fifteene d. a piece per
diem. The pay of seven hundred Horse, divided into
fourteene Bands, each Band consisting of fiftie viz.
Captaine, foure shillings per diem. Lieutenant, two
shillings sixe pence per diem, Cornet two shillings per
diem. Fiftie horsemen at twelve pence a peece per diem.
Summa per annum twenty nine thousand two hundred
threescore thirteene pound.
The pay of twelve thousand footmen, divided into 120
276
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Bands, each Band consisting of a hundred heads, viz.
Captaine foure s. per diem. Lieutenant two shillings per
diem, Ensigne eighteene d. per diem, two Serjeants, a
Drum, and a Surgion, at twelve d. a peece per diem, and
fourescore fourteene Souldiers, and sixe dead payes, at
eight d. a peece per diem.
Summa per annum one hundred threescore eleven
thousand one hundred fourescore and five pound.
Extraordinaries, viz. for sending of letters, hyring of
Barkes, for passage of packquets, for gifts and rewards, for
espyes from abroad or at home, carriage of treasure,
victuall, or munition, and the like, &c. for a whole yeere,
foure thousand pound.
Summa totale per annum, two hundred eight thousand
nine hundred and eleven pound.
The Lord Mountjoy hastened away from Court, did
not stay for the Lords signing of the above mentioned
second establishment, as a thing of ordinary course con-
tinued for many yeeres, with little or no alteration. And
being now in this journey towards Ireland, the tenth of
Februarie he wrote to Master Secretarie from Daintrie,
intreating him, that whereas her Majestie, notwithstand-
ing the contrary opinion of all admitted to that consulta-
tion, had reduced the Army to twelve thousand foote,
and that hee found by letters from the Counsell and other
Commanders in Ireland, a general concurring in opinion,
that these forces were not sufficient (especially since the
Plantation of Loughfoyle and Ballyshanon Garisons were
presently to be made, and that Tyrone was now Master
of the field, having led his forces in person as farre as
Mounster), he would move her Majestie to give him
power, to retaine one or two thousand in Lyst, of those
English, which otherwise he was to cast.
A.D.
1599.
The Lord
Mountjoy' s
petition.
277
[The above
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1 599 *
Officers
Generali.
Mounster.
Connaght.
The above mentioned second Establishment, or
Lyst of divers Officers and Servitors, not con-
tained in the former Establishment, which list
was signed by the Lords the eleventh of
Februarie, the end of the yeere i 599-
T He Lord Deputies ordinarie entertainement per
mensem one hundred pound, per annum thirteene
hundred pound. To him for a Band of horsemen in his
family foure pound foure shillings per diem. To him
for fiftie footemen in his family, eight pence a man per
diem. The Treasurer at Warres per diem thirtie five
shillings. The Marshall at five shillings nine pence per
diem. The Master of the Ordinance per diem three and
twentie shillings eight pence. Note that the above named,
as also the chiefe Governours of Provinces undernamed,
had besides in the Army the command of a Band of foote,
or horse, or both. Divers Ministers of the Ordinance
per diem twentie five shillings two pence. Mustermaster
two shillings eight pence per diem.
Summa per annum five thousand three hundred seven d.
seven shillings eleven d.
The Lord President per annum one hundred thirtie
three d. ; his diet at ten pound a weeke, and so per annum
five hundred twenty pound. His guard of horse and
foote at thirtie shillings seven pence halfe-penny per diem.
Chiefe Justice per annum one hundred pound. Second
Justice sixty sixe pound, thirteene shillings foure pence.
Queenes Atturney thirteene pound sixe shillings eight
pence. Clerke of the Counsell twentie pound. Provost
Marshall two hundred fiftie five pound ten shillings.
Summa per annum one thousand sixe hundred three-
score seven pound eight shillings two pence halfe penny.
Governour of Connaght per diem ten s., for increase
per annum one hundred d. Chiefe Justice per annum one
hundred pound : for his diet fortie pound. Clerke of the
Counsell twenty pound, for his diet twenty pound.
278
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Provost Marshall one hundred two pound thirteene
shillings one peny half-peny, besides twelve Horse out
of the Armie.
Summa per annum five hundred sixtie five pound
three s. two pence halfe-penny.
Governor at Loughfoyle per diem foure shillings
foure pence, besides his entertainement as a Colonel.
Governour of Carickfergus and Dundalke no entertaine-
ment, but as Colonels of the Army.
Summa per annum threescore pound sixteene shillings
eight pence.
Governour of the Queenes Countie at sixe shillings
eight pence per diem. Provost Marshall of the Army
per diem foure shillings three pence. Provost Marshall
of Lemster five shillings seven pence per diem. And to
both Provosts, Horses to bee assigned out of the Army,
at the Lord Deputies discretion.
Summa per annum three hundred one pound two
shillings seven pence.
Warders in divers Provinces three thousand thirtie one
pound seven pence halfe-penny. Pensioners, fortie foure,
at foure pound nineteene shillings two pence per diem.
Almesmen foureteene, at sixe pence Irish a peece per diem.
Commissaries of Musters, twenty, at sixe shillings eight
pence a peece per diem.
Summa per annum three thousand one hundred twenty
two pound five s. sixe d.
Summa totalis per annum fourteene thousand fiftie
five pound foure shillings eight pence halfe-penny.
The same day this List was signed, being the eleventh
of Februarie, the Lords by their letters to the Lord
Deputie (being yet in England, but newly gone from
London, and in his way towards Ireland), appointed that
the ships of Bristol, which had transported one thousand
two hundred foote from thence to Dublin, should there
be staied, to the end they might transport a thousand
men, which were to be sent from Dublin, to meete with
three thousand more sent out of England, out of which
279
A.D.
1599 .
[II. i. 54-.]
Ulster.
Lemstor.
Warders and
Pensioners.
A.D.
* 599 -
The Lord
Mount joy's
letters to Sir
Robert Sicill.
A new Lord
President of
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
the Garrison of Carickfergus was to be strengthened, and
a new Garrison planted at Loughfoyle.
The Lord Mountjoy lying at Westchester for a passage
into Ireland, and there receiving notice, that the
imprisoned Earle of Essex had signed a submission to
the Queene, whereupon her Majestie began to be inclined
to shew him mercy, directed his letters thence the
eighteenth of Februarie to Sir Robert Sicill Secretarie of
State, therein avowing, that as his love made him inter-
essed in that noble Earles fortunes, so hee would thanke-
fully acknowledge from him such favour, as he should be
pleased to shew that distressed Earle, withall protesting,
that he would alwaies be a free man, and slave to no
mans humour ; but as he in this Irish imployment
expected all favourable seconds from him (according to
his noble promise, whereupon his hopes chiefely relied),
so he would ever be honest and thankefull towards him
in all occasions. And upon these termes all exchange of
good offices passed betweene this Lord Deputie and
Master Secretarie, till the fatall death of that noble Earle
of Essex hereafter to bee mentioned, and the Lord
Deputies participation of that ruine, made him change
his stile, and never to cease, till hee had confirmed a neere
friendship betweene himselfe and the Secretary, at least
as intire, as greatnesse admits, as hereafter shall bee
shewed.
The twentie sixe of Februarie, the Lord Deputie
landed in Ireland, and there received the sword, and
within few dayes, by warrant out of England, he granted
her Majesties letters Pattents to Sir George Carew, to bee
Lord President of Mounster, which place had layen void
some few moneths, from the death of Sir Thomas Norreys.
The 27 he received advertisement from the Earle of
Ormond, Generali of the English forces till his comming
over, that Tyrone was in the West part of Mounster,
having about him not only his owne forces, but those
of the Rebels of that Province, which were so great, as
he had not hitherto power to oppose them : but now
280
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
having gathered all the Queenes forces he could make,
purposed the next morning to set forwards towards him.
The fifth of March his Lordship received advertisement
from other parts, that Tyrone could not escape in his
returne to the North, but either over the River Shanon,
which passage the Earles of Thomond and Clanrickard
might easily stop, or by the Westward borders of the
Pale, where if his Lordship would draw his forces to
Athboye, Mullingar, Ballymore, and Athlone, it was not
possible for him to escape them. That Tyrone had thus
engaged himselfe, presuming on the corruption of the
State, and little expecting his Lordships so sudden
comming over, so as if his Lordship forgave him this
fault, he was not like to catch him againe in the like,
neither could any thing but want of intelligence, make
his Lordship faile in stopping the returne of Tyrone, and
his forces into the North. Advising his Lordship to be
wary in crediting intelligences, which were commonly
false, and made of purpose, and to expect, that besides
the knowne enemy, and a confused warre, he should finde
a broken State, a dangerous Counsell, and false hearted
subjects. The eight of March the Earle of Ormond sent
advertisement, that Tyrone purposed to passe the River
Shanon. That he had written to the Earle of Thomond
to draw towards him, that they might oppose his passage,
but that his Lordship could not performe his order, by
reason that the Mayor of Leymricke would not afford
him carriage for his victuals. That Tyrone in scattered
Troopes and a cowardly manner, hastened his returne,
and that present day had marched foure and twenty miles,
without any stay. That Sir Warham Sent Leger, and Sir
Henry Power, joint Commissioners for governing of
Mounster, with the forces under their charge, had met
neere Corke with Hugh Mac Gwier, chiefe Lord of
Fermanagh (in the North) and that in the incounter Sir
Warham Sent Leger, and the said Mac Guire were killed.
That his Lordship had burned all the Townes where the
Traytors might find reliefe, and that they used the same
281
A.D.
1 599 -
Advertise-
ments of the
rebels.
[II. i. 55.]
The Earle of
Ormond's
Advertise-
ment.
A.D.
1599.
Advertise-
ment from
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
course towards her Majesties Subjects. The same day
the Lord Deputy received further advertisement from
Mounster, that Tyrone was compassed in by the Earle of
Ormond, on the one side, and the Earle of Thomond
on the other, and by the Commissioners forces on the
third side, (who ruled the Province after the death of Sir
Thomas Norreys, untill a Lord President should be
chosen, for he that was newly sent over, was yet at
Dublyn) ; that the Mayor of Lymbricke had commande-
ment to lay ships and boates, to hinder his passage by
that Haven, as likewise the Mayor of Galway to interrupt
his passage by sea, and the Earle of Clanrickard, to stop
his passage by land through Connaght. So as howsoever
he were five thousand strong in able men, besides many
of baser sort, yet he being far from any second of Ulster
men, in whom the chiefe strength of the Rebellion con-
sisted, and no way able to returne thither, his utter
confusion was confidently hoped. But these were onely
Irish ostentations of service, which seldome use to take
effect, and many times are not truly intended, as the
sequell will shew.
And lest the Lord Deputy should expect faithfull
dealing of the English Irish Subject in the other kind of
service, by supplying the Army of necessaries, the
nobilitie & Gentrie of the very English Pale, the same day
exhibited a petition to his Lordship, to prevent the
opinion of disloialtie, upon refusal of such supplies, by
pretending of disabillitie upon the great spoyles, which
aswell the rebels, as the English souldiers had made upon
all the inhabitants.
The Lord Deputie had written a former letter to Master
Secretarie, in excuse of not reducing the Armie from
foureteene thousand foote to twelve thousand, according
to the new Establishment, aswell because the same was
to begin the first of Februarie, which his Lordship could
not effect, since he arrived not in Ireland untill the
twentie sixe of the same moneth, as also because the
Army was presently farre divided, the greater part thereof
282
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1599-
being with the Earle of Ormond, and for that, when-
soever they returned, the discharged Companies must
presently bee reduced into some other, or else so many
men and Armes should bee meerely lost, as the Lords
Justices had lately found by experience, when determining
to cast a Company of one hundred and fiftie, being by
Pole a hundred, of the oldest and best souldiers, with
purpose next day to deliver them to other Captaines,
upon the divulging thereof, onely three of the whole
Company with their Armes could be found, to be so
transmitted.
To this letter formerly written, and perswading that
the two thousand might still be continued in pay, his
Lordship received the following answere from her
Majestie ; dated the fifteenth of March.
Elizabeth Regina. [II- >• 5 6 -]
A Lthough we have upon your earnest request (in Letter from
whose affection and duty we doe repose trust and Her Majestie.
confidence) yeelded to the continuance of fourteene
thousand foot for some small time, both because
we conceive, that according to your reasons, it will
give good assurance to the Plantation of Lough-
foyle, and the reduction of Lemster, and prevent
the present terror, which this proud attempt of
Tyrones, to passe over all the Kingdome, hath
stricken into the hearts of all our Subjects, and would
increase, if we should presently have abated our numbers :
yet must we let you know, that we doe expect at your
hands, and doe determine, that assoone as the present
bruites are passed, you shall diminish the same by little
and little hereafter, according to our first determination :
for we have had too good proofe of that governement,
as not to know and discerne, that all the mischiefes of
our service, have growne most by lacke of discretion and
order, by vaine journies, whilst better opportunities have
beene lost, by undiscreet carriages of all secret purposes,
by placing Captaines of small merit or experience, and
283
FYNES MORYSON S ITINERARY
* 599 -
which is above all, by nourishing the Irish, who are
snakes in our bosomes, whilst we hold them, and when
they are out, doe convert upon our selves, the experience
and strength they have gotten by our making them to be
Souldiers. And therefore you shall understand now, that
although we have beene content to grace some such as
are of noble houses, and such others as have drawne blood
on the Rebels, with charge of Companies, yet we find
it now growne to a common opinion, that it is as good
to be a Rebell as a Subject : for Rebels find and feele it,
that they shall be hired (even with whole companies in
our pay) onely to forbeare doing harme, and not for
having done any such service, as may make them irrecon-
ciliable. And further we see, that others that are in
pay in their owne Countrey, are so farre from doing
service on their neighbours, that are out, as when they
tarry in for a shew, they are the chiefest meanes under
hand, to helpe the rebels with such powder and munition,
as (to our no small charge) we put into their hands, to
be used against them. In this point therefore, we
command you henceforth to bee considerate, and not to
be induced to put such in pay, as spend our treasure
onely to their owne advantage, upon this supposition or
bragge of theirs, that they must runne to the enemies if
they be not entertained : for when we consider the effects
that are derived from our charges, to have so many
foote and horse of the Irish entertained, onely to save
their owne Cowes and Countries, we are of opinion, so
they went not with our Armes to the Rebels, that it
were better service for us, to save our treasure, then
to pay for their bodies, seeing they that live by the warre
better then they should doe in peace, intend nothing
lesse then our service. And therefore we command you,
not onely to raise no more, when these shall be decaied,
but to keepe them unsupplied that are already, and as
they waste to Casse their bands : for we can never allow
of this entertainement of them. Whilst you are forced
to keep the 2000. men for our service, you may keepe
284
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
the Captaines uncassed, but not give any warrant to them
to supply their Companies with any more Irish. We
doe also require you, that you doe seeke by all meanes
possible, where the Irish are entertained, to use their
service as farre from their owne Countries as may be ;
wherein we pray you especially to take care in the Province
of Connaght, where there are so many Irish bands to-
gether, and rather to draw some of them to serve else
where, and send English in their stead. This shal serve
for the present, to answere your dispatch, wherein we
doe write to you, (whom we know to love our Commande-
ments) more directly in this point of our desire to have
our charge abated, then we doe to you and the Counsell
together, because we would have them apprehend, (seeing
you thinke such an opinion would be good), that our
Army shall not be so soone abated, as we hope you will ;
wherein notwithstanding we doe referre things to your
discretion, whom we will trust with the charge of 2000.
men, seeing we have committed to you our whole
Kingdome, &c.
His Lordship in a second dispatch to Master Secretary,
had written, that Tyrone having passed through the Pale
into Mounster with some one thousand five hundred
horse and foote, of such sort as so many of the Queenes
worst men were able to encounter them, was now in
Mounster with an Army of 4 thousand in reputation,
and was there attended by the Queenes Army of three
thousand foote, and three hundred horse, commaunded by
the Earle of Ormond ; so as onely the dregges of the
Queenes Army were now neere him ; out of which not-
withstanding, he hoped to bee able to draw one thousand
five hundred foote, and three hundred horse, and there-
with to make head against Tyrone at his returne : but
in regard the Plantation of Loughfoyle and Ballyshannon
were presently commanded him, whether Sir Henrie
Dockwra was to ship three thousand out of England,
and another thousand were to be shipped from Dublin :
these one thousand being part of the men he was to
285
1599.
[II. i. 57-1
The Lord
Deputy s
second dispatch
to Master
Secretary.
A.D.
x 599-
The Queenes
gratious
answere.
Tyrone siolne
out of
Mourn ter.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
draw against Tyrone, he durst not leade them farre from
the Sea, and so might perhaps be forced to loose good
occasion of service, whereas if these things had been
left to his discretion, hee would have deferred the
Plantation of Ballishannon to a time of more safety, and
with these one thousand men and their munition to bee
sent thither, would now attend Tyrone in his passage
with so great advantage, as he was not likely to finde
hereafter, and if he escaped, would presently have put
himselfe in the head of the Earle of Ormonds Troopes,
to prosecute him into the North, and would further have
advised Sir Henrie Dockwra in his passage from Chester
to Loughfoyle, to descend at Carickfergus, and thence
to take five hundred old souldiers, leaving so many new
in their roome.
To this dispatch his Lordship received the Queenes
gratious answere, by a letter dated the sixteenth of this
moneth, wherein allowing his beginnings, and approving
his reasons : the forbearing presently to plant Balli-
shannon, and the ordering of Lochfoyle Plantation, and
the disposing of Garrisons aptly (for the defence of such
as in that case offered to returne to due obedience), were
all freely left to his Lordships discretion, with promise
to make good construction of his actions, being confident
that they had no other object, but loyall service.
The Lord Deputie having drawne as many together
as hee could about Mullingar, to lye for Tyrone in his
returne out of Mounster, received advertisement the
fifteenth of this present, that Tyrone hearing of his
preparations to meete him, had left a thousand Connaght
rogues to assist Desmond, and some eight hundred men
with Richard Butler, and having made Captaine Tirrell
chiefe commander of all the Lemster Rebels, was stolne
out of Mounster with sixe hundred in his company, and
had passed the Enney, and so escaped into the North.
Whereupon the Lord Deputie the same day writ to the
Earle of Ormond, to send backe from Mounster, the
forces hee had drawne thither out of Lemster, and with
286
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
all sent him her Majesties letters, importing thankes for
the service hee had done, and her desire that hee would
still hold the place of Lieutenant of the Armie. In the
acceptance whereof, the Lord Deputie professed, that hee
should esteeme himselfe much honoured, and would be
ready, after putting off the person which now was imposed
on him, with much contentment to be commaunded by
his Lordship.
The same time the Lord Deputie Advertised Master
Secretarie, that his intelligence had been so bad (not onely
in false reports of Tyrones purposes, but also in the
relation of the Forces he had with him to bee farre greater
then indeede they were, by which intelligence of false
hearted subjects to discourage the Queenes Forces, the
Rebels used to prevaile more then by fighting, and now
hoped to discourage him at his first comming, from any
present attempt against Tyrones returne), as in one and
the same day hee first heard together of Tyrones looking
back out of Mounster, comming into Leymster, and
passing over the Enney, and the next day being assured
of his escape, hee then received the first intelligence (the
former letters of the eight of March being not till then
delivered) that ever came to his hands from the Earle of
Ormond concerning Tyrone, who in this returne had
gone further in three dayes, then at his setting forth in
thirteene, having in one day marched twenty seven miles,
so speedily, as he , could not overtake any of his troopes
with the Queenes forces, though he marched after him
twentie miles in foure houres ; adding his purpose to
make present head towards the North, without which
diversion of the rebels, the Garrison to be planted at
Loughfoyle was like to runne a dangerous fortune. And
withall sending some of Tyrones Mandates, by which hee
summoned the subjects of Mounster to appeare before
him, and to joyne with him, of which I have thought
good, for the strangenesse of the forme, to insert this one
following.
a.d.
1 599 *
False reports.
[II. i. 58.]
287
[Oneale
A.D.
* 599 -
Tyrone's
Mandate.
The Earle of
Clanrickard.
The Earle of
Essex.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
O Neale commendeth him unto you Morish Fitz
Thomas, O Neale requesteth you in Gods name to
take part with him, and fight for your conscience and
right ; and in so doing, Oneale will spend to see you
righted in all your affaires, and will helpe you : And if
you come not at Oneale betwixt this and to morrow at
twelve of the clocke, and take his part, Oneale is not
beholding to you, and will doe to the uttermost of his
power to overthrow you, if you come not to him at
furthest by Satturday noone. From Knocke Dumayne in
Calrie, the fourth of February 1599.
Oneale requesteth you to come speake with him, and
doth give you his word that you shall receive no harme,
neither in comming nor going from him, whether you
be friend or not, and bring with you to Oneale Gerat
Fitz-gerald.
Subscribed O Neale.
The seventh of March the Lord Deputy was advertised,
that Tyrone returned to Dungannon his House the
fifteenth day, and brought with him out of Mounster
foure pledges of Desmonds faith unto him. That the
Earle of Clanrickard had sworne, so soon as the Lord
of Dunkellyn his eldest sonne returned out of England, to
take no longer day then May next, to joyne with Tyrone,
and enter into action, (so the Irish terme rebellion) : and
that Tyrone had called the Lords of the North together,
to consult about the opposition to be made against the
intended plantation of the English Garrisons at
Loughfoyle.
The twentieth of March Master Secretary wrote to the
Lord Deputy, that the Earle of Essex, hitherto restrained
in the Lord Keepers House, had found the Grace with
her Majesty, to be sent to his owne house in London,
yet with a keeper ; for Sir Richard Barkley, had the
guard of him, with the keyes of the water-gate and street
doore, and the Earle had the freedome of the whole
House, with a dozen servants to attend him, who might
freely go in and out at pleasure, and the Countesse of
288
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
Essex had liberty to come thither to him. And the Lord
Deputy still continued frequently to solicite the Secretaries
favour to this noble Earle, many times inlarging himselfe
so farre, as to justifie the Earles faithfull endeavours in
the maine point of the late Irish service, about which
he was most questioned. Insomuch as seeing the Earles
actions in Ireland to be narrowly sifted, he wrote not
long after to the Secretary, expressely avowing ; That
if the Earle of Essex had brought with him a farre greater
Army, the estate of the yeere being as then it was, and
he comming at that time of the yeere when he did, yet
during his aboade there, (which was from March to
September), there could no other consequence have justly
beene expected in that so short time ; but that the
Rebels moved with the countenance and terrour of the
Army, should generally (or for the most part) have sought
her Majesties mercy, and making their submission, have
beene received upon pledges to continue subjects, or else
to have sought to have ruined them by planting strong
garrisons, which in most places must have beene done
by an Army, and they being in severall places, and many
circumstances besides required thereunto, the effecting
thereof would have taken up as much time as he spent
here. And though the terrour of the Army did not
worke the first effect, being in the choyce of the enemy,
untill by the second course they might be constrained,
that the fault was in their disposition, and not in the
Earles endeavours or power. And though the garrisons
were not accordingly planted, that as well the shortnes
of the time, as the Counsels to which the Earle was tied
at that time, might justly cleere him of that default.
[Chap. II.
1 599 *
The Lord
Deputy
justifies the
Earle ofi
Essex.
M. II
289
T
A.D.
l600.
[11. i. 59.]
The List of
the Army.
Generali
Officers.
Companies of
Horse.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Chap. II.
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in
the prosecution of the Rebels in the yeere
1600.
He twenty foure of March, being the last
day of the former yeere, the Lord Deputy
signed the following List of the Army,
to bee a direction to the Treasurer at
warres, for the payment thereof, from the
first of Aprill in the yeere 1600, so
forward.
Generali Officers for the Army.
The Earle of Ormond Lord Lieutenant of the Army
per diem three pound.
Sir Oliver Lambert Sergeant Major per diem twentie
shillings.
George Beverley Controller of the victuals per diem
ten shillings.
Five Commissaries of the victuals, whereof one per
diem eight shillings, the rest sixe shillings a peece.
Twelve Colonels at ten shillings a peece per diem.
Earle of Thomond.
Lord Audley.
Lord Dunkellin.
Sir Henry Dockwra.
Sir Henry Poore.
Sir Charles Percy.
A Provost Marshal of
Loughfoyle, each at foure i
Sir Matthew Morgan.
Sir Christop. S*. Laurence.
Sir Charles Willmot.
Sir John Bolles.
Sir Arthur Savage.
Sir Richard Moryson.
Ballishannon, and another of
hillings per diem.
Companies of Horse.
The Lord Deputie, one hundred, at eighteene pence a
peece per diem. The Earle of Ormond fiftie, at twelve
pence. The Earle of Southampton one hundred, halfe at
eighteene pence, and halfe at fifteene pence. The Earle
290
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
of Kildare fiftie at twelve pence. The Earle of Clanrikard
fiftie, at twelve pence. The Lord of Dunsany fiftie, at
twelve pence. The Lord President of Mounster fiftie, at
eighteene pence. Sir Garret Moore twentie five, at twelve
pence. Sir Christopher Sant Laurence twentie five, at
twelve pence.
The Lord Dunkellin
Sir Henrie Harington
Sir William Warren
Sir Samuel Bagnal
Sir Edward Herbert
Sir Oliver Lambert
all 12
25 Captaine Wayman Pro-
26 vost Martiall of Con-
25 naght 12
50 Captaine Richard Greame 50
12 Captaine Thomas Gilford 25
25 Captaine Fleming 25
Captaine Taffe 25
pence per diem.
Sir Richard Wingfield Marshall 50, whereof 20 at
eighteene pence, and thirtie at twelve pence per diem.
Captaine Thomas White 50) at fifteene pence per
Sir Anthony Cooke 50] diem.
Sir Henrie Davers 100 at eighteene pence. Sir Henrie
Dockwra 50, halfe at eighteene pence, halfe at twelve
pence. Sir Grif. Markam 100, halfe at fifteene pence,
halfe twelve pence.
Totall of Horse 1200.
A.D.
l600.
Companies of Foot.
To be sent from Dublin to Loughfoyle in Ulster.
Sir Henry Dockwra
Governor of Lough-
foyle, and Colonel
of the Army 200
Sir Matthew Morgan
Colonel 150
Sir John Chamberlaine 150
Captaine Errington 100
Captaine Heath 150
Captaine Badbye 150
Captaine Lister 100
Companies of
Foot.
To be sent out of England to the same place.
[II. i 60.]
Sir John Bolles one of
the Colonels of the
Army
150
Captaine Vaughan 150
Captaine Thomas Coche 100
Captaine Dutton 100
291
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
l600.
Companies of
Foot.
Captaine Ellis Flud 1 50
Captaine Ralph Bingley 1 50
Captaine Basset 100
Captaine Oram joo
Captaine Lionel Guest 150
Captaine Leigh 100
Captaine H. Clare 150
Sir John Pooley 150
Captaine Masterson 100
Captaine Stafford 100
Captaine Atkinson 100
Captaine Hales
100
Captaine Alford
100
Captaine Pinner
100
Captaine Orrel
1 5 °
Captaine Sidney
100
Captaine Windsor
100
Captaine Sidley
100
Captaine Digges
100
Captaine Brooke
100
Captaine Rand
100
Captaine Pluncket
100
Totall of Loughfoyle Garrison devided into three
Regiments under the Governour Sir Henrie
Dockwra, and the two Colonels above named,
Sir Matthew Morgan, and Sir John Bolles, 4000.
Carickfergus Garrison. Foote.
Sir Arthur Chichester
Captaine
Egerton
100
Governour
200
Captaine
Norton
100
Sir Fulk Conway
150
Foote
0
0
r"'
Captaine Laurence Es-
mond
150
Foote at the Newrie.
Sir Samuel Bagnol
Captaine Blanye
200
150
At Carlingford Capt.
FerdinandoFreckelton 100
Foote 450.
Foote in the Province of Connaght.
Sir Arthur Savage Gov-
ernour 200
The Earle of Thomond 200
The Earle of Clanrickard 100
The Lord Dunkellin,
the Earles eldest
sonne 200
Sir Thomas Burgh his
younger sonne 1 50
Sir Robert Lovel 150
Sir Tibet Dillon 100
Captaine Thomas
Bourgh 100
Captaine Tibet Nelong 100
Captaine Hugh Mos-
tian 100
Foote 1400.
292
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Foote in the Province of Mounster.
A.D.
1600.
Sir George Carew Lord
President 200
The Lord Audley 200
Sir Henrie Poore 200
Sir Charles Willmot 150
Sir George Cary Trea-
surer at warres 100
Sir Richard Percy 150
Sir Francis Barkely 100
Sir Edward Fitzgarret 100
Sir John Barkley 200
Sir Gerald Harvy 150
Sir John Dowdal 100
Sir Richard Masterson 100
Captaine Roger Harvy 1 50 Companies of
Captaine Thomas Foot -
Spencer 150
Captaine Flower 100
Captaine Sheffeld 100
Captaine George
Kingsmell 100
Captaine Garret Dillon 100
Captaine Hugh Oreilly 100
Captaine William Poore 100
Captaine Saxy 100
Captaine Bostock 100
Captaine George Blount 100
Foote 2950.
Foote in the Province of Leymster.
The Lord Deputies
Guard 200
The Earle of South-
ampton 200
The Earle of Ormond 200
The Earle of Kildare 1 50
The Lord of Dunsany 1 50
The Lord Delvin 1 50
Sir George Bourcher 100
Sir Richard Wingfeild 150
Sir Christoper Sant
Laurence 200
Sir Charles Percy 200
Sir Oliver Lambert 200
Sir Richard Moryson 200
Sir Thomas Wingfeild 1 50
Sir Henrie Warren 100
Sir Garret More
100
Sir Francis Rushe
150
Sir Henrie Follyot
1 5 °
Sir William Warren
100
Sir Thomas Loftus
IOO [II. i. 61.]
Sir Oliver Saint Johns
150
Sir Charles Ocarrol
IOO
Sir Henrie Davers
200
Sir James Fitzpeirse
150
Sir Francis Stafford
200
Sir Henrie Harington
IOO
Capt. Thomas Williams
1 5 °
Capt. Roe
IOO
Capt. Toby Cafeild
1 5 °
Capt. Josias Bodley
150
Capt. Francis Shane
IOO
Foote 4500.
The totall of the Foote 14000.
293
[A List
A.D.
l600.
The Army to A
prosecute
Tyrone.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
list of such as the Lord Deputy could draw
into the field to prosecute Tyrone, all consist-
ing of the companies lying in Lemster, and
those of the Newrie and Carlingford.
Horse.
The Lord Deputy 100. Sir Henry Davers 100. Sir
Samuel Bagnol 50. The Lord Dunsany 50. Sir Garret
More 25. Horse 325.
Foote.
The Lord Deputy 200. The Earle of Southampton
200. Sir Francis Stafford 200. Sir Samuel Bagnol
200. Sir Richard Moryson 200. Sir Henry Davers 200.
Sir Charles Percy 200. Sir Oliver Lambert 200. Sir
William Warren 100. Sir Oliver Saint Johns 150. Sir
Henrie Follyot 150. The Lord of Dunsany 150.
Sir Garret More 100. Sir Thomas Wingfeild 150.
Captaine Edward Blanye 150. Captaine Josias Bodley
150. Captaine Ferdinand Freckelton 100. Captaine
Toby Cafeild 150. Captaine Francis Roe 100. Captaine
Thomas Williams 150. Foote 3200.
Out of these taken to guard places'! Foote.
til the returne of the Army j
Dead payes allowed in each hundred]
of foote 9, and in each fiftie horse 4 J
Totall
Deduct this 1098 out of the Foote,'
and 46 out of the Horse, and so
remaines for the Lord Deputies Armie
in field
810
288
1098
Foot.
2102
Horse.
20
26
46
Horse.
279
Out of this a further allowance (though uncertaine)
must be deducted for sick and deficient men not mentioned
formerly.
Observe that many Gunners, Canoniers, Armorers, and
Clerks of the Ordinance, some at foure s. some at two s.
294
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
per diem, and an Inginere at ten s. per diem. That some
sixteene Surgians, the chiefe at five 1 . the other dispersed
in Provinces and Garrisons at thirty or forty s. a peece
the weeke, and that the Lord Deputies Doctor of
Physicke at five 1 . the weeke, and his chiefe Chaplaine
at the same rate, and some ten other Preachers dispersed,
at thirty or forty s. the weeke : each are all paid
by the defalcation of one pay in each company
of foot, and likewise of certaine sutes of apparell
due to the same companies. And that the Commissaries
of the Musters (raised from five to twenty) at three s. 4 d.
a piece per diem, are paied out of the Checques which
themselves raise, and one of them following the Army
in field in each Province, the rest are distributed to be
resident in particular garrisons.
Having made distribution of the Forces for the
present : It remaines I should discend to the briefe
narration of the Lord Deputies particular Counsels, and
actions against the Rebels. About the beginning of
Aprill, it was determined in counsell by the Lord Deputy
and the generall assent of the Counsellers, that the Ilander
Scots should be hired to serve against James Mac Sorley.
That Agnus pretending right to his Countrey, was the
fittest for that purpose, and upon his refusall, Mac Alaine
was thought fittest to be entertained for this service.
That the number of Scots should be 1500. or 2000. at
most. That they should not land till the end of August,
and remaine in pay as occasion should serve, their pay
being to each man a Cow for a moneth, or for the default
of .Cattell, sixe d. by the day. And that they should land
betweene the Band and Oldenfleet, except they thought
some other place fitter. Two Inhabitants of Caricfergus
were appointed to treat with these Scots, and they were
to have the L. Deputies Letters to the Earle of Argile,
and to the Queenes Agent in Scotland, for the furtherance
of this businesse. But this Councell tooke no effect, by
reason the course was disliked in England. In the same
Councell it was propounded, how the Army should be
295
A.D.
1600.
The Ilander
Scots.
[II. i. 62.]
A.D.
l600.
The
imployment o
the Army.
Few loyall ■
subjects in
Irelmd.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
imployed till the Lord Deputies going into the field,
which in all probability could not be for some two moneths
after. And it was resolved to prosecute the Rebels at one
instant, both on the borders in the North, and in Lemster.
For the North borders 650. foot, and 100. horse, were to
lie in garrison in Dundalke, 700. foot, and 50. horse at
Ardee, 400. foot and 50. horse at Kelles, 1000. foot and
50. horse at the Newry, and a hundred foot at Carling-
ford. If Tyrone drew not to a head ; it was concluded
these garrisons were to infest the Fewes, Ferny, Ohanlons
Countrey, Mac Gennis his Countrey, and other parts of
Monaghan, and the Cavan. If Tyrone drew to a head,
then it was concluded, his owne troopes were like to
spoile these Countries, and our men sent to Loughfoyle
should plant themselves with more ease, & shortly be able
to spoile both Tyrone and Odonnels Country. For
Lemster a thousand foot, and a hundred horse, were to
draw into Ophalia, to build up the Togher, to victuall
the Fort of Phillipstone, and to spoile the Connors,
Macgoghegans, Omoloyes, and Mac Coghlins. This done,
it was concluded, these forces should passe into Leex,
there to attend direction, or if that passage were difficult,
then to returne the way they went, and by the way to
send for further direction. And to further the last
prosecution, the O Carrols were commanded at the same
time to invade the Omoloyes, and the Lord of Delvin,
and Sir Francis Shane were to meet, and joyne with the
Lord Dunkellin in Mac Coghlins Countrey, and there
to invade the neighbour Rebels.
The third of Aprill the Lord Deputy advertised Master
Secretary, that the Queene had few Subjects in Ireland
of any sort, who had not either some kinde of intelligence
with Tyrone, or had not framed their hearts that way,
whereof the whole Pale made sufficient overture, by a
petition lately delivered, and by their contestation at the
Counsell Table. That the old Earle of Clanrickard, at
Tyrones going into Mounster, had taken day with him
till May next, to declare himselfe on that party : But
296
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
that the Lord of Dunkellin his eldest sonne, hated by his The Lord of
younger brother, whom the father esteemed much above Dunkellin.
him, gave him great confidence of his firme alleagiance,
who suspecting his fathers disposition that way, had taken
occasion by repairing to Dublin, and after going for
England, to put himselfe as a gage and bridle to his
fathers proceedings. Concluding, that he the Lord
Deputy had taken order for securing the Castle of
Athlone, but that all his hope of keeping the Province
of Connaght in obedience, was in the Lord of Dunkellins
honesty. Neither was the Lord Deputy deceived in this
worthy Lord, who as during his fathers life, so from
his death, (happening within few moneths), to the end of
the warre, served the Queene as nobly, valiantly, and
faithfully as any nobleman or gentleman in the army.
The Lord Deputy explaned the danger of the Irish The danger
Commanders and Companies, yet for the time shewed the of Irish
remedy to be more dangerous then the disease, protesting mman ers.
that her Majesty could not take a more unprofitable way
to satisfie the Irish sutors, then by giving them Companies.
His Lordship farther advertised Master Secretary, that
upon Tyrones retiring out of Mounster into the North,
in manner of a fearefull flight, he the Lord Deputy had
drawne from the Earle of Ormond such Companies as
were not appointed for Mounster, and upon their arrivall
to Athye had sent Sir Richard Moryson, to take possession
of the governement of Leax, and Sir Oliver Lambert,
to leade and bring backe the forces sent with victuals to
relieve the Fort, called Mariabourg (of Queene Mary)
scituate in Leax, (otherwise called the Queenes County)
which Fort being before in extreame distresse, now he
had supplied for three moneths. That he had imployed
Brimingham, (who had about that time submitted him-
selfe to the Queenes mercy), to put in some Cowes into
the Fort of Ophaly. That he purposed to prosecute the
Rebels in Lemster with one thousand foote and a hundred
horse, and to lodge the rest in garrisons upon the North,
so as on the sudden he might divert Tyrone from resisting
297
A.D.
l600.
[ii. i. 63.]
Tyrone's
Confederates
discouraged.
The T ozones
the stores
of the Rebels.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
our present plantation at Loughfoyle. That hee would
presently send a thousand old souldiers from Dublyn to
Loughfoyle, and likewise with them such as were to lie
in garrison at Ballishannon, under the command of Sir
Matthew Morgan, but that, for some difficulties, they
could not yet be setled there, yet lying at Loughfoyle in
the meane time, might doe service, and alwaies be ready
to be sent thither. That Tyrones confederates were
discouraged at his fearefull retreat into the North, which
could not have beene greater, if he had beene broken
with an Army. For after an unreasonable dayes march,
hearing of the Lord Deputies drawing towards him,
within one houre of his sitting downe, he did presently
rise againe at seven a clocke in the night, and being
assaulted by some of our scattered bands, still marched,
leaving to the sword as many of his men as were ingaged,
and leaving or leesing all his carriages, so as now almost
every day the heads of some rebels or others were sent
him, and many services were of late done, as the recovery
of a prey by the garrison at the Naas, with the killing
of many Rebels, and the defeat of one hundred and
forty Rebels by Sir Francis Shane, whereof forty five
were killed, and of them some foureteene with his owne
hand. And the Rebels of Lemster daily made meanes to
be received to mercy. Onely the Townes were the stores
of the Rebels, and stood so saucily upon their priviledges,
as a sharpe rod and strong hand were requisite to amend
them. For which cause his Lordship advised, that the
Castle of Lymerik might be repaired, to bridle that Town,
which seemed of more importance, then any other City of
that Kingdome whatsoever. That the dispairing rebels
were by Tirones cunning raised to some hopes, by two
ships lately come into the North out of Spaine, which
brought the rebels some munition, and either assurance
of great and present succours, or Tyrone at least so used
their comming to his purpose, as the rebels beleeved such
assurance was given. Besides, many Priests came in those
ships, of which one termed himselfe the Popes Legat,
298
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.t>.
l600.
and Leger Ambassadour for the King of Spaine, and The Pope s
Archbishop of Dublin, giving out that he was content Legatfor the
to suffer death, if he preached not in Dublyn before King of
Michaelmas day. Whereupon the Rebels beganne to K nnc -
avow themselves the King of Spaines subjects, and onely
the expectation of Loughfoyle garrison, together with the
doubt of these succours, kept the very Pale from the
boldnes to professe the same. Lastly, his Lordship
vehemently complained, that her Majesty by absolute
command disposed of charges in that Kingdome, so
as he could neither pleasure his owne friends, nor reward
her Majesties best servants ; yea, that having already
given the governement of Leax to Sir Richard Moryson,
(a friend whom he confessed especially to love, and whom
he would undertake to be as worthy in his profession, as
any of his time, or any the Queene had in that Kingdome),
now by the Lords Letters signifying her Majesties
pleasure, he was forced to his friends and his owne
disgrace, to conferre the place on another : and in con-
clusion, besought her Majesty, in such recommendations
to leave them somewhat to his choice, promising to
execute them, or else to yeeld great reason to the contrary.
The sixth of Aprill the Lord Deputy advertised Master The Earl of
Secretary, that the Earle of Ormond was gone from Ormond.
Dublyn to his Country, having made great complements
of affection to her Majesties service, yet it was apparant
that either he was growne weaker in judgement, or worse
affected to the Queenes service, then was imagined in
England, affirming of certainty that in the last cessation
he had thrice at least spoken very long with Tyrone, and
at his last being in Mounster, had once heard from him.
And in generall, that the subjects were no better servants
to her Majesty then the rebels, with whom they daily
practised, and would give no assistance with bodies or
goods to her Majesties service, yea, would (no doubt)
quit their allegiance whensoever they might doe it with
safety. That every rogue asked a Company, and if he
had one, then sought a Regiment, but that (God blessing
299
A.D.
l600.
Affaires of
Mounster.
[II. i. 64.]
Sir George
Carezv
Lord
President of
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
her Majesties Army) he hoped shortly to give law to
their irregular humours.
The Province of Mounster (as I formerly said) was
much confirmed in rebellion by the Earle of Tyrone his
last journey into those parts, where he strengthened James
Fitz-thomas, (who by the Northerne rebels sent thither
from Tyrone, was exalted to be Earle of Desmond in the
yeere 1598. and was by a nicke-name called the Suggon
Earle), he combined with Florence mac Carty, (called by
the Irish, Mac Carty more, a name greatly followed there)
and in like sort with most of the great men of those
parts, incouraging those whom he found willing to persist,
taking pledges of those he suspected to be wavering, and
burning and spoyling those few, who did absolutely
refuse to joyne with him, as the Lord Barry with some
others. And at this time another accident seeming of
great consequence, did much erect the hearts of the
Rebels, and dismay the subjects of those parts, which I
will briefely set downe. Sir George Carew having newly
received letters Pattents to bee Lord President of
Mounster, and resolving presently to repaire to his charge,
departed from Dublin on his journy thitherward the
seventh of Aprill, and upon the ninth came to Kilkenny
with the Earle of Thomond in his company, and one
hundred horse to attend him, where the Earle of Ormond
told them he had appointed to parley with some Rebels
of those parts, wherof Owny Mac Rory was the chiefe,
and desired them to accompany him. The tenth of Aprill
they rode out of Kilkenny with some twentie Horse of
the Earle of Ormonds followers, and some few others
mounted upon hacknies, his Lordship refusing to have
the Lord Presidents Horse to guard him. So they rode
eight long miles to the place of meeting : and the Earle
of Ormond left his Company of two hundred Foot two
mile short of that place. The Rebell Owny came out of
the Woods with five hundred men well Armed, and
leaving his shot, and the grosse of his troope some
Calievers shot distant from the Earle, came up to him
3 °°
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
with some choise pikes. After an hower spent, & nothing
concluded, the Lord President moved the Earle to returne,
but he would first speake with the Jesuit Archer, and the
Rebels calling him, his Lordship reproved Archer, and
called him traytor. In the meane time the grosse of the
Rebels had crept over the shrubs, and compassed round
the Earle and his companie, which the Lord President
disliking, prayed the Earle to returne : but as he turned
about his hackney, the Rebels tooke him prisoner, and
Owny Mac Rory laid hands on the Lord President, but
the Earle of Thomond rushing upon him with his horse,
made him leave his hold, and they both escaped by the
swiftnesse and strength of their horses from the pushes
of many pikes, wherewith the Earle of Thomond was
slightly hurt in the backe. This treacherie was said to
be plotted by Owny and Archer, and very few others, for
if more had knowne it, many thought that the Earle had
such spies, and was so feared among the Rebels, as his
Lordship would have had notice thereof either for feare
or love. But there wanted not others, who thought the
Earle was willingly surprised. Howsoever it were, the
Rebels did him no hurt in his person, onely one of the
Earles men was slaine, five were hurt, and fourteene taken
prisoners. The Lord President with the one hundred
horse attending him, and sixe hundred foote, which he
sent for out of Mounster, kept the unsetled humours of
those parts from present tumult, where the Earles true
followers wanting their head, and the ill affected now
standing in no awe of his power, were all at liberty. The
Countesse of Ormond was much afflicted with her
husbands misfortune, and with feare of her own and her
daughters estate. For divers pretended to be heires to
the Earle ; as Sir Edward Butler his brother, and in
respect his bloud was attainted, Sir Walter Butler the
Earles Nephew, and for other reasons the Vicount
Mount-Garret. And each of these was likely to seeke to
have the Earles sole daughter in their hands, besides
that these controversies bred distracted humours among
A.D.
l600.
The Lord
President
taken prisoner
and rescued.
3°i
A.D.
l600.
Sir George
Bourcker.
[II. i. 65.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
the Gentlemen and others of those parts. The Lord
Deputie hearing hereof, presently dispatched Sir George
Bourcher to command in chiefe, and Sir Christop. Saint
Laurence to assist him, in guarding the Countesse, her
daughter, and the Earles houses, with the forces appointed
by the Lord Deputie for that service, namely,
The Earles Company of foote 200. The foote Com-
pany of Sir Christopher Saint Laurence 200. The Earles
troope of horse 50. Horse of Saint Laurence 25. Sir
George Bourchers horse 10.
Yet the Lord Deputie conceived the Earles surprise to
bee an evill more spetious then materiall, seeing no reason,
why the Counsels of the warre should stagger upon his
wel or ill doing For wheras some were of opinion, that
he was willingly taken, and would declare himselfe for
Tyrone, his Lordship resolved, that if he continued faith-
full, his Countries might easily be defended, if otherwise,
as easily wasted, since after the Garrisons should be once
planted at Loughfoyle, and, those parts on the backe of
Tyrone, hee should bee able to spare forces for any such
service. And whereas many thought the newes would
much amaze the Court of England, his Lordship on the
contrary (since neither the Lord President nor himselfe
deserved any imputation for this event, the parley being
contrived without the Lord Presidents privity, and both
contrived and executed, without making himselfe
acquainted therewith) conceived, it would make the Army
both better, and more carefully seconded out of England.
And whereas it was thought, that this accident would
erect the rogues spirits, which before began to bee
dejected, and so hinder the submission of many, his
Lordship knowing that they would never be faithfull to
the State, till they could not subsist against it, was of
opinion, that till they were brought into greater
extremities, it would prove better, that they should stand
out, then come in.
His Lordship the fifteenth of Aprill advertised Master
Secretarie of this accident, and how he had sent forces to
302
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
strengthen those parts, and had taken speciall care for
the safetie of the Earles daughter and heire, and being
loth suddenly to give his opinion herein, onely professed
to thinke it strange, that one so full of regard to him-
selfe in all his proceedings, should be so easily overtaken.
Then his Lordship gave confidence, that if the Butlers
declared themselves for Tyrone, as soone as Loughfoyle
Garrison was planted at his backe, his Lordship doubted
not to be able to meete the Lord President in Kilkenny,
and with their joynt forces, to subdue the Rebels, and
set those parts in obedience.
At this time the Fort of Phillipstown in Ophaley
(otherwise called the Kings County) was to be victualed,
and Ony Mac Rory with the O Mores in Leax, together
with the O Connors in Ophaly, bragged that the Queenes
forces should not be able to victuall it. Now by the
emulation of one of our chiefe Commanders, against
another preferred before him, and strengthened by the
Court factions of England, the said Commander had set
out some weake Companies for this service, to be led
by the other, as in preheminence of his place, but a neere
friend to the Lord Deputie, conceiving how much this
first actions successe might adde reputation, or give a
blemish, both to his Lordship and the Army, gave notice
thereof, so as his Lordship offering the same Commander
the leading of those Companies, he refusing to goe with
them, manifested the suspected emulation. Whereupon
his Lordship caused foureteene strong Companies to be
allotted, and gave the command of them in chiefe to
Sir Oliver Lambert, who conducted the victuals, and led
the men with such judgement and valour, as being
strongly fought with at the comming off, and especially
at the going on, yet they performed the service with great
losse and discouragement to those proud Rebels, and the
fifteenth of Aprill his Lordship advertised Master
Secretary of this good service.
The thirtieth of Aprill the Earle of Ormond sent to the
Lord Deputie from the Woods the conditions Ony Mac
3°3
A.D.
1600.
Forces to
strengthen
Mounster.
The Fort of
Phillipstown
victualled.
A.D.
l600.
Owny Mac
Rory's insolent
demaunds.
The Lord
Deputie
draws into the
North parts.
[II. i. 66.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Rory demaunded under his owne hand for his liberty,
which till then he could not get, because Ony staied for
Tyrones and his confederats advice, adding a postscript
of his Lordships owne hand ; that the letter was brought
to him ready written, neither was he allowed any man
of his owne to write for him. The insolent demaunds
were these : First, that her Majesties forces should bee
removed from Leax, and the Garrisons delivered to Oney
Mac Roryes hands. Secondly, that pledges should be
delivered him for caution, that no garisons shuld ever
be planted there, which done, Ony and his followers would
submit themselves. Thirdly, if pledges were not given,
then the Garrisons also in Ophaly should be removed,
and every man left to shift for himselfe. The postscript
required, that upon such pledges delivered, a generall
protection for sixe weeks should be sent to Onye Mac
Rorye, and all his friends in Lemster, whereupon answere
should be returned, who desired the benefit thereof, but
during the said time of the protection, no forces of her
Majesties should bee sent against their confederates in
Ulster and the North. The 5 of May the L. Deputie
drew into the North parts, to make Tyrone look towards
him, & so to give better facility to our men to settle
themselves in garrison at Loughfoyle. But before his
departure from Dublin, for the better governing & defend-
ing the Pale, his L p . did by commission leave Sir H. Poore
to commaund in all martiall affaires, and some of the
Counsell to governe Civill matters during his absence.
And staying some few daies at Tredagh, for the Companies
which had victualed Phillipston, and for the Garrisons
of Kels and Ardee, as also for victuals, he marched to
Dundalke, whence taking that Garrison also with him, he
passed the pace of the Moyry on Whitsunday morning,
and so came to the Newry, where hee understood, that
according to his opinion, Tyrone turning his forces from
Loughfoyle, was come in great haste to Dungannon, had
razed the old Fort of Blackwater, burned Armagh, and
had drawne his men into the strong fastnes of Lough-
304
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
lurken, where with great Industrie the rebels had made
trenches, and fortified the place some three miles in length.
His Lordship to the former end advancing towards him,
on the 1 6 of May, drew out of the Newrie, and incamped
in the way towards Armagh with 1500 foote, and some
200 horse. And there having notice, that the rebels The fight at
inquired after the time when the Earle of Southampton the Mo y r y-
and Sir Oliver Lambert Sergeant Major were to come to
the Army, and with all hearing, that the said Earle and
Sergeant Major were that day arrived at Dundalke. His
Lordship earely in the morning on the 17 of May, sent
Captaine Edward Blany with 500 foot and 50 horse, to
secure their passage through the pace of the Moyrye,
who marched from the Campe, and so through the Moyrye
to the Faghard, from which hill to Dundalke, there was
no danger. There he made a stand, and leaving his foot
in two squadrons of 250 each, himselfe with the horse
passed to Dundalke, and told the Earle of the forces the
Lord Deputy had sent to conduct him, assuring him
further, that his Lordship with the rest of the Army
would meete him by two of the clock in the afternoone,
at the causey beyond the pace, from which the whole
pace hath the name of the Moyrye. Hereupon the Earle
having with him, besides this convoy, the foot Companies
of Sir Oliver Lambert and Sir Henry Follyot, and some
50 horse of voluntary Gentlemen, marched to the Faghard
where hee commanded one of the two squadrons above
mentioned to march on, and after that the carriages ;
then his Lordship with the horse followed, after whom
the second squadron marched, and last of all the two foot
Companies of Sir Oliver Lambert, and Sir Henry Follyot,
Captaine Blany commanding the vanguard, advanced
towards the Foure-mile-water, being a Forde all invironed
with Woods, in the middest of this dangerous pace called
the Moyrye. And comming within halfe a mile of the
same, they discovered the rebels on both sides in the
Wood, whereupon the Earle directed the Vanguard to
passe over the water, and to make good the rising of
m. 11 305 u
A.D.
l600.
The rebels
beaten.
[II. i. 67.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
the hill beyond it. When these came within a Musket
shot, they perceived two hundred foote of the enemie
lodged beyond the water, in the most advantagious places.
Then Captaine Blany divided his men into three Maniples,
sending 60 on the right hand under Captaine Henrie
Atherton, and as many on the left hand under Captaine
Williams his Lieutenant, and keeping the rest in the
middest with himselfe. And so by the Sergeant Majors
directions, they gave the charge. In the meane time the
Lord Deputy being on the hill beyond the pace, had sent
his Vanguard consisting of two Regements, the one under
Sir Charles Percy, and the other under Sir Richard Mory-
son (two Colonels of the Army), to advance towards the
pace. And at this instant, when Captaine Blany gave on
upon the Rebels, the said Lord Deputies vanguard
appeared on the left side, within two musket shot. After
some vollyes on either side, the Rebels on the right hand,
and those right before Captaine Blany quitted those places,
and retired through the woods to the Earle of South-
amptons Reare, so as Captaine Blany passing the water,
made a stand there, as he was appointed to doe, till the
carriage and horse should be passed. And now the Lord
Deputies Vanguard being come to the passage of the
said water, maintained a resolute skermish with the Rebels
on the left hand, and altogether secured the Earles troopes
on that side. The rebels thus beaten on both sides, left
some one hundred shot to skirmish with the Lord
Deputies vanguard, and all retired to the Earle of South-
amptons reare, and came desperatly on our men, both
with horse and foot. But Sir Henry Follyot made a
very good stand, and Sir Oliver Lambert, fearing lest our
men should be distressed, the more to incourage them,
tooke his colours in his owne hand and together with
O
some 30 of the Earle of Southampton Vangards best
men, sent back to the Rere, hastened towards the
Assailants, to second the Earle, who at that time with
some 6 horse did charge the assailing Rebels, and beate
them a musket shot back, still pursuing them, til they
3°6
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
having spent their powder, and throwne their staves,
darts, and innumerable stones, recovered the place, where
Tyrone stood himselfe with some 220 horse and 200
foote in sight (besides a far greater number hid in the
woods), which never came unto this fight. When our
men had thus gained much ground, the Earle commaunded
them to march towards the Army, and presently Sir
Richard Wingfeild the Marshal of the army of Ireland
came to them, with order from the L. Dep. that since
the repulsed rebels were not like to give any second
charge, they should continue their march, following his
L ps . troopes directly to the Newry. In this conflict 2 of
our men were slaine, Capt. Atherton and Mast. Cheut
were shot, and some few hurt with swords and such
weapons. On the rebels side there were in all 1200 foot
thus advantagiously lodged, and 220 horse, and Tirone
himself confessed, that ten of his men died with over-
travelling in this hasty march, besides such as were killed,
whose number could not certainely be learned. The 21
of May, his Lp. was advertised from Sir Arthur
Chichester, Governour of Carickfergus, that the English
sent to plant at Loughfoyle were safely landed with small
resistance, and had taken Newcastle belonging to Sir John
Odogherty, whose country they had spoiled & wasted,
and that some of them sent forth upon a draught, had
taken good store of cowes, and killed some of Odonnels
people, and that they were now busie in fortifying about
the Derrie, so as many of that country Southward did
passe their cowes and moveables into Scotland, depending
specially upon the hopes of Spanish succours. That Brian
Mac Art a rebel bordering on Carickfergus, had left his
fastnes of Kilultagh, and now lay on the borders of Lecale,
where he purposed to assaile him, the rather because he
had sent 200 men to assist Tyrone: that divers Gentle-
men and others did daily flie from the rebels, and resort
unto him with their goods, to the number of 1200 cowes,
and more would come, but that he doubted their faith-
fulnes. That to free himself of the imputation to keepe
3°7
A.D.
l600.
Newcastle
taken.
A. D.
l600.
The King o y
Scots’ Pro-
clamation.
Letter from
the Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
James Mac Surley an enemy, till he had revenged on
him his brothers death, he had imployed Colonell Egerton
to invite that rebell to submission, but received onely
temporising answeres ; whereupon according to his L ps .
directions, hee had written and sent a messenger of
purpose, to the Lord of Clantyer an Ilander Scot, to stirre
him up against James Mac Surley, wrongfully possessing
his rightfull inheritance in those parts of Ireland, offering
to joyne the Queenes forces under his commaund, to
those powers he should bring, for recoverie of this his
right, so as he would after yeeld due tribute and obedience
to her Majesty : but that upon the King of Scots late
Proclamation, that al bearing Armes should be ready to
attend the King on the 17 of July next following, in
prosecution of the Ilander Scots (as was given out),
refusing to pay tribute, he feared that this Lord would
bee diverted from imbracing this busines, howsoever
advantageous to him. That he had received Con Mac
Neale, the son of Neale Mac Brian, and his horsemen,
into her Majesties pay, and would shortly waste his
fathers Country, whence Brian Mac Art and some 400
Bonnaghtes (or hired souldiers) were maintained and fed.
Finally, that he thought fit to rebuild Olderfleete, and
leave some in Ward there, because the Haven was com-
modious to succour weather-beaten ships, going to supplie
the Garrison of Loughfoyle with necessaries.
The 26 of May, the Lord Deputie received a letter
from the Lords in England, with full answere to his late
dispatches. For the Earle of Ormonds detension, they
signified her Majesties griefe to be the greater, because
any attempt made for his recoverie was like to prove his
ruine, and that her Majestie had written to the Countesse,
to send the Earles young daughter and heire into England.
For Sir Arthur Oneales demaunds, upon his comming
in to serve her Majesty, in the first point concerning
religion, her Majesty bare with it, because she took it
to proceede of his ignorance, not of presumption, only
wishing the L. Dep. to let him see, that her Majesty
308
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
pursued none in those parts for religion, and so to satisfie
him, but in no wise by any contract or condition. Next
for his and others suits for land, and lor entertainements,
because such overtures were like daily to be made, by
such as submitted themselves, and protraction of sending
to and fro, might lose many opportunities. First, touch-
ing the sutes for land, her Majesties directions in particular
cases following, should be a rule to the Lord Deputie for
his graunts of that kind. And first for Sir Arthur Oneales
demaunding Tyrones estate, that could not be granted
him, by reason Tyrone, upon pretence of an old
inquisition, had extended the limits of his Countrie, and
incroched far into the South and East. But her Majesty
was pleased to give him Tyrones principall seates, reserv-
ing places for forts, and lands to maintaine them, and
reserving all dependancy of the Vriaghtes (or neighbour
Lords), also reserving lands in Tyrone to reward the
services of such Gentlemen as should serve under Sir
Arthur in these warres, which they should onely hold
of her Majestie by letters Patents. For the rest Sir
Arthur Oneale to be chiefe in Tyrone, as well in superi-
oritie, as in revenue. Touching Neale Garves demaunds
for O Donnels estate, her Majesties pleasure was to reserve
some Portes and Castles, and some lands to reward the
services of that Countries Gentlemen, intending that
these, and more specially the Mac Swynes, should depend
onely upon her Majestie, and have right to those lands
by her letters Patents. Touching Mac Guires Country,
her Majestie directed like reservations of land, for Fortes
and rewards of services, and generally in all grantes
charged to reserve her Majesties ancient rights. Secondly,
touching suitors for entertainements in pay, her Majesties
pleasure was signified to allow one thousand pound a
moneth, so long as the Lord Deputy and the Counsel
there should thinke fit, to be imployed that way, according
to the Lord Deputies discretion. But their Lordships
advised warily to observe, and know, such as offered
submission, because it had alwaies been the Arch-traitors
3°9
A.D.
l600.
[II. i. 68.]
Sir Arthur
Oneales
demaunds.
Suitors for en-
tertainements
in pay.
A.D.
l600.
Sir Arthur
Savage
appointed
governour of
the Province
of Connaght.
The Pale
burnt.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
practise, to let slip such as he could not defend, that they
might save their goods, and live upon her Majestie,
without any intent to doe her service. Lastly, whereas
the Lord of Dunkellin by his letters, in regard of some
restrictions, whereby hee was disabled to serve her
Majestie as he desired, had made offer to resigne the
governement he had in the Province of Connaght. And
forasmuch as the Queene was alwaies unwilling to imploy
any great Lord in his owne Countrie, yet finding him
placed in that governement by the Earle of Essex, had
still continued him there, only out of her speciall favor
to him. And for that of late some insolencies had bin
offered to Companies of the English, by the old Earle
of Clanricards soldiers in her Majesties pay. Their
Lordships signified, that the Queenes pleasure was, to
accept the Lord of Dunkellins resignation, in the fairest
maner, and with all carefull tendering of his honour,
advising the Lord Deputie to invite him to accompany
his Lordship, and serve in the Army under him. And
Sir Arthur Savage then a Colonel of the Army, and lying
with his Company at Athlone, was appointed provisionall
Governour of the Province of Connaght, except the Lord
Deputie knew some sufficient cause to the contrary. The
Lord Deputy having attained his end of drawing the
Army into the North, by the safe landing and setling of
Loughfoyle Garrison, in the farthest North of Ireland,
on Tyrones backe. His Lordship the twentie eight of
May hearing that Tyrone had drawne backe his men two
miles further into the fastnesse, and being informed that
the Pace of the Moyrye, by reason of much wet lately
fallen, and the Rebels breaking of the causey, was hard to
passe, returned by Carlingford pace to Dundalke, and so
to Dublin, where he understood that the Rebels had in
his absence burned the Pale, though he left for defence
of it 2000 foot and 175 horse in Lemster, but the damage
was not answerable to the clamour ; for many private men
have in England sustained greater losse by casuall fire in
time of peace, then the whole Pale had done by the
310
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
enemies burning in warre, and many private men in
England have in one yeere lost more cattel by a rot, then
the Pale lost by this spoyling of the rebels, of which they
lamentably complained. Besides that indeede this burning
and spoyling of the very Pale, did further the greatest
end of finishing the warres, no way so likely to be brought
to an end, as by a generall famine.
Give me leave to digresse a little, to one of the fatall
periods of Robert the noble Earle of Essex his tragedy,
(and the last but one, which was his death) whereot the
following relation was sent into Ireland. The fifth of
June there assembled at Yorkehouse in London, about
the hearing of my Lord of Essex his cause, eighteene
Commissioners, viz. my Lord of Canterburie, Lord
Keeper, Lord Treasurer, Lord Admirall, Lords of Wor-
cester, Shrewsbury, Cumberland, Huntington, Darby, &
Zouch, Mast. Comptroller, Master Secretarie, Sir Jhon
Fortescu, Lord Popham Chiefe Justice, Lord Anderson
Chiefe Justice of the common Pleas, Lord Perian Chiefe
Baron of the Exchequer : Justices, Gaudy and Walmesley.
They sate from eight of the clock in the morning, till
very neere nine at night, all at a long table in chaires. At
the Earles comming in, none of the Commissioners
stirred cap, or gave any signe of curtesie. He kneeled
at the upper end of the Table, and a good while without
a cushion. At length my Lord of Canterbury moved
my Lord Treasurer, and they joyntly my Lord Keeper
and Lord Admirall, that sat over against them, then was
he permitted a cushion, yet still was suffered to kneele,
till the Queenes Sergeants speech was ended, when by
the consent of the Lords, he was permitted to stand up,
and after upon my Lord of Canterburies motion, to have
a stoole.
The manner of proceeding was this. My Lord Keeper
first delivered the cause of the assembly, and then willed
the Queenes Counsaile at Law, viz. Sergeant, Attorney,
Solicitor, and Master Bacon to informe against him. The
Sergeant began, and his speech was not long, onely a
3i 1
A.D.
l600.
The hearing
of the Earle of
Essex his
cause .
[II. i. 69.]
A.D.
l600.
TheSergeant
speech.
Master
Attorney's
speech.
The charge
against the
Earle.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
preface as it were to the accusations. The summe of it
was, to declare the Queenes Princely care and provision
for the warres of Ireland, and also her gratious dealing
with the Earle before he went, in discharging ten thousand
pound of his debts, and giving him almost so much more,
to buy him horses, and provide himself, and especially
in her proceedings in this cause, when as after so great
occasion of offence, as, the consumption of a royall
Army, fruitlesse wasting thirty hundred thousand d.
treasure, contempt, and disobedience to her expresse com-
mandement, she notwithstanding was content to be so
mercifull towards him, as not to proceede against him
in any of her Courts of Justice, but only in this private
sort, by way of mercy and favour.
After him the Attorney began, whose speech contained
the body and substance of the accusation, it was very
sharp, & stinging, for besides the many faults of contempt
and disobedience, wherewith hee charged him, he did also
shrewdly inferre a dangerous disposition and purpose,
which was by many rhetoricall amplifications, agravated
to the full ; he divided his speech into three parts,
Quomodo ingressus, Quomodo progressus, Quomodo
regressus ; In the ingresse, hee observed how large a
Commission he stood upon, such a one as never any man
had the like before, namely, that he might have authoritie
to pardon all Traytors of himselfe, yea, to pardon treason
committed against her Majesties owne person, and that
he might mannage the warres by himself, without being
tied to the advice of the Counsell of Ireland, which clause
hee said was granted, that he might at first proceede in
the Northerne journy, which the Counsell of Ireland
(whose lands and livings lay in the South), might perhaps
hinder, and labor to divert him, to the safeguard of
themselves. In the other two parts of his speech were
contained five speciall crimes, wherwith the Earle was
charged, viz His making the Earle of Southampton
Generali of the Horse. 2. His going to Lemster and
Mounster, when he should have gone to Ulster. 3. His
3 12
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l 60 O.
making so many Knights. 4. His conference with
Tyrone. 5. His returne out of Ireland, contrary to her
Majesties command. These all saving the fourth, were
recited by the Lords in their censures, as the crimes for
which he was censured by them. The first was amplified, i-
for that he did it contrary to her Majesties mind, plainely
signified unto him in England, that hee increased that
offence, by continuing him in that office stil, when her
Majesty by letters had expressely commanded him to
displace him ; and thirdly, for that he wrote a very bold
presumptuous letter to her Majesty, in excuse of that
offence, which letter was afterwards read. The second 2.
point of his Southerne journy was agravated, in that it
was made contrary to her Majesties advised resolution,
agreed upon by her Counsel, and approved by her martial
men, as the only means to reduce Ireland, and contrary to
the Earles own project, yea, & that without the advice
of the Counsel of Ireland also, as appeared by a letter of
theirs under their hands, though now the Earle pretended
their advice for his own excuse, wherupon followed the
harrowing out, and the weakning of the royallest Army
that ever went out of England, the wasting of that huge
expence, and the overthrow of the whole action. The [II. i. 70.]
third point, viz. the making of Knights, was urged to 3.
have beene contrary to her Majesties expresse commande-
ment, a question being once made, whether he should
have that authoritie or no, because he had abused it
before, yet the same being at the last granted, with this
limitation given him in charge, that he should make but
few, and those men of good ability, whereas he made
to the number of threescore, and those some of his meniall
servants, yea & that in a most unseasonable time, when
things were at the worst, which should have been done
upon victorie and triumph onely. The fourth point, 4.
namely, his conference with the Rebell, was agravated,
in that it was an equall and secret conference, dishonour-
able to her Majestie, for him that sustained her royall
person, to conferre in equall sort with the basest and vilest
3*3
A.D.
l600.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The con-
clusion.
traytor that ever lived, a bush Kerne, and base sonne
of a Blacksmith ; suspicious also, in that it was private
and secret, no man suffered to approch, but especially
no English man ; the end of the conference most shame-
full, that the wretched traytor should prescribe conditions
to his Soveraigne ; abominable and odious conditions, a
publike tolleration of Idolatrous religion, pardon for
himselfe and all the traytors in Ireland, and full restitution
of lands and possessions to all the sort of them. It was
added, that before this parley, a messenger went secretly
from the Earles Campe to the traytor, viz. Captaine
Thomas Leigh, if not sent by the Earle, at least by his
connivency, at least by the connivencie of the Marshall,
whom the Earle did not punish. Lastly, the fifth point
was urged to be intollerably presumptuous, contrary to
her Majesties expresse commandement in writing, under
the seale of her privy signet, charging him upon his
dutie not to return until he heard further from her;
that this his returne was also exceeding dangerous, in
that he left the Army divided unto two divers men, the
Earle of Ormond, and the Lord Chauncellor, men whom
himselfe had excepted against, as unfit for such a trust,
and that he so left this Army, as that if God his providence
had not been the greater, the ruine and losse of the
whole Kingdome had ensued thereupon. This was the
summe of the accusation, every part interlaced with most
sharpe and bitter rhetoricall amplifications, which I touch
not, nor am fit to write, but the conclusion was (whereby
a taste of the same may be had) that the ingresse was
proud and ambitious, the progresse disobedient, and con-
temptuous, the regresse notorious and dangerous. Among
other things the Lady Rich her letter to the Queene was
pressed with very bitter and hard termes : my Lady Rich
her letter he termed an insolent, saucy, malipert action.
He proposed also in the end a president for the Earles
punishment (saying, he was faine to seeke farre for one
gentle enough) : one William of Britten Earle of Rich-
mond, who refusing to come home out of France upon
314
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
the Kings letter, was adjudged to loose all his goods,
lands, and chattels, and to indure perpetuall imprisonment.
Master Attorney particularly said the following words,
whereas the Earle in his letter exclameth, O tempora, O
Mores (for so I thinke he construed these words of his,
O hard destiny of mine, that I cannot serve the Queene
and please her too) ! let me also say with the Orator
concerning him ; Haec Regina intelligit, haec Senatus
videt, hie tamen vivit. In the end of his speech, Now
(saith he) nothing remaineth but that wee inquire quo
animo, all this was done. Before my Lord went into
Ireland, he vaunted and boasted, that hee would fight
with none but the Traytor himselfe, he would pull him
by the eares out of his den, hee would make the Earle
tremble under him, &c. But when he came thither, then
no such matter, hee goes another way, it appeareth plainely
he meant nothing lesse then to fight with Tyrone. This
was the effect of Master Attorneys part.
Master Sollicker his speech followed, which contained Master
the unhappy successe, which ensued in Ireland after the Solhciters
Earles departure, whereby appeared how little good the s P eecfl -
Earle had done, in that the Traitor was growne much
more confident, more insolent, and stronger then ever he
was before, as appeared principally by his declaration,
which he hath given out since the Earles departure,
vaunting that he is the upholder of the Catholike faith
and Religion, that whereas it was given out by some that
hee would follow the Earle of Essex into England, hee
would perhaps shortly appeare in England little to
Englands good : many things he added to that purpose.
After him Sir Francis Bacon concluded the accusation [II. i. 71.]
with a very eloquent speech. First by way of Preface, Sir Francis
signifying, that he hoped both the Earle himselfe, and Bacon.
all that heard him, would consider, that the particular
bond of duty, which he then did and ever would acknow-
ledge to owe unto the Earle, was now to be sequestred,
and laied aside. Then did he notably extoll her Majesties
singular grace and mercy, whereof he said the Earle was
315
A.D.
l600.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A Letter
written by the
Earle to the
Lord Keeper.
A dangerous
Pamphlet.
a singular work, in that upon his humble sute, shee was
content not to prosecute him in her Court of Justice the
Starre-chamber, but according to his owne earnest desire,
to remove that cup from him, (those he said were the
Earles own words in his Letter), and now to suffer his
cause to be heard. Inter privatos parietes, by way of
mercy and favour onely, where no manner of disloyalty
was laide to his charge, for (quoth he) if that had beene
the question, this had not beene the place. Afterwards
passing along most eloquently through the Earles journey
into Ireland, hee came to charge him with two points not
spoken of before. The first was a Letter written by the
Earle unto my Lord Keeper, very boldly and pre-
sumptuously, in derogation to her Majesty, which letter
he also said was published by the Earles own friends.
The points of the letter which he stood upon, were these ;
No tempest to the passionate indignation of a Prince ;
as if her Majesty were devoid of reason, carried away
with passion (the onely thing that joineth man and beast
together) : Her Majesties heart is obdurate, he would
not say that the Earle meant to compare her absolutely
to Pharaoh, but in this particular onely, which must needs
be very odious. Cannot Princes erre : Cannot Subjects
suffer wrong? as if her Majesty had lost her vertues of
judgement, Justice, &c. Farre be it from me (quoth he)
to attribute divine properties to mortal Princes, yet this
I must truly say, that by the Common Law of England,
a Prince can doe no wrong. The last point of that Letter,
was a distinction of the duty a subject oweth to his
Prince, that the duty of Allegiance, is the onely indissol-
ueble duty, what then (quoth he) is the duty of gratitude?
what the duty of obedience? &c. The second point of
Master Bacons accusation was, that a certaine dangerous
seditious Pamphlet, was of late put forth into print,
concerning the first yeeres of the raigne of Henry the
fourth, but indeed the end of Richard the second, and
who thought fit to be Patron of that booke, but my Lord
of Essex, who after the booke had beene out a weeke,
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
wrote a cold formall letter to my Lord of Canterbury,
to call it in againe, knowing belike that forbidden things
are most sought after : This was the effect of his speech.
The spetiall points of the whole accusation were afterwards
proved by the Earles owne Letters, by some of her
Majesties Letters, and the Counsels, and by the letter
of the Earle of Ormond and others of the Counsell of
Ireland, openly red by the Clerke of the Counsell.
The accusation ended, the Earle kneeling, beganne to The Earle's
speake for himselfe, in effect thus much. That ever since s P eech '
it pleased her gracious Majestie to remove that cup from
him (which he acknowledged to have beene at his humble
sute) and to change the course of proceeding against him,
which was intended in the Starre-chamber ; he laied aside
all thought of justifying himselfe in any of his actions,
and that therefore, he had now resolved with himselfe
never to make any contestation with his Soveraigne :
that he had made a divorce betwixt himselfe and the
World, if God and his Soveraigne would give him leave
to hold it ; that the inward sorrow and afflictions which
he had laied upon his soule privately, betwixt God and
his conscience, for the great offence against her Majesty,
was more then any outward crosse or affliction that could
possibly befall him. That he would never excuse him-
selfe neither a toto nor a tanto, from whatsoever crimes
of errour, negligence, or inconsiderate rashnes, which his
youth, folly, or manifold infirmities might leade him into,
onely he must ever professe a loyall faithfull unspotted
heart, unfained affection and desire, ever to doe her
Majesty the best service he could, which rather then he
would lose, he would, if Christianity and Charity did
permit, first teare his heart out of his breast, with his
owne hands. But this alwaies preserved untouched, he
was most willing to confesse and acknowledge whatsoever
errours and faults it pleased her Majesty to impute unto
him. The first part of his speech drew plenty of teares
from the eyes of many of the hearers ; for it was uttered [II. i. 72.]
with great passion, and the words excellently ordered,
317
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
l600.
and it might plainely appeare, that he had intended to
speake no more for himselfe. But being touched (as it
seemed) with the oversharpe speeches of his accusers, he
humbly craved of their Lordships, that whereas he had
perceived many rhetoricall inferences and insinuations
given out by his accusers, which might argue a disloyall,
malicious, wicked, and corrupt affection in him, they
would give him leave, not in any sort to excuse himself,
but only by way of explanation, to lay downe unto them
those false guides, which had deceived him, and led him
into all his errours, and so he entered into a kind of
answering Master Atturnies speech, from point to point
in order, alleaging, for the point of his large Commission
for pardoning treason against her Majesties person, that
it was a thing he had learned of Master Attourney him-
selfe, onely to meete with the rebels curiosity, which had
an opinion, that all treason in Ireland, might be interpreted
treason against her Majesties person, and therefore would
trust no pardon without that clause. That in making the
Earle of Southampton Generali of the Horse, the deceive-
able guide which misled him, was an opinion that her
Majesty might have beene satisfied with those reasons
which moved him, as also with those reasons which he had
alleaged in his letters, for continuance of him in the place,
but that after he perceived her Majesties mind plainely in
her second letter, he displaced him the next day : For
his journey into Mounster, hee alleaged divers things,
principally that the time of the yeere would not serve
for an Ulster journey, and then the advice of the Counsel
there, which he protested to alleage, not to excuse himselfe,
but rather to accuse his owne errours, and the errours of
the Counsellors in Ireland : and whereas some of them
to excuse themselves, and charge him the deeper, had now
written the contrary to the Counsell : he protested deepely
that therein they had dealt most falsely, and it seemeth
(saith he) that God his just revenge hath overtaken two
of them already, the Earle of Ormond by blindnesse, and
Sir Warham St. Leger, by violent death. For his making
318
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
of Knights, he alleaged the necessity and straights he was
driven unto, that being the onely way he had to retaine
the voluntaries, the strength and pride of the Army ; that
he made but two of his servants, and those men of speciall
desert and good ability : that he thought his service ought
not to be any barre against them, for the receiving the
reward of their deserts.
But before he had thus waded through halfe his answer,
my Lord Keeper interrupted him, and told him, that this
was not the course that was like to doe him good, that
he beganne very well in submitting himselfe, unto her
Majesties mercy and pardon, which he, with the rest of
the Lords, were glad to heare ; and no doubt but her
Princely and Gracious nature was by that way most like
to be inclined to him : that all extenuating of his offence,
was but the extenuating of her Majesties mercy in pardon-
ing: that he with all the rest of the Lords would cleere
him of all suspition of disloyalty : and therefore he might
doe well to spare the rest of his speech, and save time,
and commit himselfe to her Majesties mercy. And when
the Earle replied, that it might appeare by that hedge
which he diligently put to all his answers, that he spake
nothing but only to cleere himselfe from a malicious
corrupt affection. My Lord Keeper told him againe, that
if thereby he meant the crime of disloyalty, it was that
which he needed not to feare, he was not charged with it,
as the place & course taken against him might warrant ;
all that was now laied unto him, was contempt and
disobedience. And if he intended to perswade them, that
he had disobeyed indeed, but not with a purpose of
disobeying, that were frivilous and absurd.
Then my Lord Treasurer beganne to speake, and cleer-
ing the Earle from suspition of disloyalty, did very
soundly controll divers of his other excuses.
After him Master Secretary, making a Preface why he
spake before his turne, by reason of his place, tooke the
matter in hand, and first notably cleering the Earle from
all suspition of disloyalty, which he protested he did from
3*9
The Lord
Treasurer.
Master Secre-
tary.
A.D.
l600.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
[H. i. 73.]
The Earle
contented.
his conscience, and afterwards often iterated the same and
preserved it unto him entire, he spake singularly for the
justifying of her Majesties special! care and wisdome for
the warres in Ireland, in providing whatsoever could be
demanded by the Earle for that service before his going
out ; with supplying him afterwards with whatsoever hee
could aske, so it were possible to bee given him : in
prescribing that course, which had it beene followed, was
the onely way to have reduced that Realme, and which
being forsaken, was the onely ruine and losse of that
royal 1 army.
And as for all those excuses which the Earle alleaged
for himselfe, hee cleerely cut them off, shewing that his
excuse of following the Counsell of Irelands advice, was
nothing, his commission being so large, that he was not
bound to follow them ; and if he had beene, yet were
they a Counsell at his command, he might force them to
say what he list : his own letters which he alleaged,
might be provisionary, written of purpose then to excuse
him now. To be short, he greatly justified her Majesties
wisdome, in managing that whole action, as much as lay
in her, and laid the whole fault of the bad successe in
Ireland, upon the Earles ominous journey (so he called it)
into Mounster. And thus in the behalfe of her Majesty,
he fully satisfied the Auditors. Master Secretary gave the
Earle his right alwaies, and shewed more curtesie then
any, yet saied he, the Earle in all his journey did nothing
else but make (as it were) circles of errours, which were
all bound up in the unhappy knot of his disobedient
returne. Also he gave the Earle free liberty to interrupt
him at any time in his speech.
But the Earle being contented with the opinion of
loyalty so cleerely reserved unto him, was most willing
to beare the whole burthen of all the rest of the accusation,
and therefore never used any further reply ; onely by
reason of a question or two, that were moved by my
Lord of Canterbury and my Lord Admirall, some little
speech there was to and fro : My Lord of Canterburies
320
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
question was concerning the conditions of yeelding unto
Tyrone in tolleration of religion ; the Earle heartily
thanked him for moving that doubt, & then protested,
that it was a thing mentioned in deed, but never yeelded
unto by him, nor yet stood upon by the Traitor, to whom
the Earle had said plainely, Hang thee up, thou carest for
religion as much as my horse. Master Secretary also
cleered the Earle in that respect, that he never yeelded
to Tyrone in that foule condition, though by reason of
Tyrones vaunting afterwards, it might have some shew of
probability. By reason of my Lord Admirals question,
the Earle spake somewhat of his returne, that he did it
upon a false ground of hope, that her Majesty might
pardon him, as shee did the Earle of Leicester in the like
case, who returned out of the Low-Countries contrary
to her Majesties expresse Letter. This I thought with
my selfe, (quoth the Earle) if Leicester were pardoned,
whose end was onely to save himselfe, why might not
Essex be .pardoned, whose end was to save a Kingdome.
But Master Secretary replied, that upon his knowledge
there never passed any letter from her Majesty, to forbid
the Earle of Leicesters returne.
Judge Walmesley his speech was more blunt then bitter,
Prisoners at our barres (saith he) are more gracelesse, they
will not confesse their faults. Again, he compared my
Lord his comming home, and leaving the army there, to
a shepheard that left his flocke to the
dogge.
In conclusion the Earle protested, that all he sought for,
was the opinion of a true and a loyall subject, which might
appeare by the speech, wherewith he hedged in all his
answeres, namely, that he intended onely to shew those
false guides, which misled him, whether they were his
owne errours, or the errours of his Counsellors, whom
he followed, that he yeelded himselfe wholly to her
Majesties mercy and favour, and was ready to offer up
his poore carkasse unto her, he would not say to doe
(for alasse he had no faculties), but to suffer whatsoever
m. ii 321
keeping of his
A.D.
l600.
Judge
Walmesley
his speech.
The Earle’s
conclusion.
x
A.D.
l600.
My Lord
Keeper's
eloquent
speech.
[II. i. 74.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
her Majesty should inflict upon him, and so requested
them all, to make a just, honourable and favourable report
of his disordered speeches, which had fallen from him in
such sort, as his aking head and body weakened with
sickenesse, would give him leave. This done, they
proceeded to the censure. My Lord Keeper beganne with
a good, powerfull, and eloquent speech.
That by Justice and Clemency the Throne is established,
as for mercy, her Majesty had reserved it to her selfe ;
but for the satisfying of her Justice, shee had appointed
them to enquire into the cause. That they were to
enquire onely of those faults of contempts and disobedi-
ence laid unto the Earle, and to censure him accordingly,
and for her mercy, they had nothing to doe with it,
onely God was to worke it in her Princely breast. In
examining the Earles faults, he laid these for his grounds,
that the two grounds and foundations of the Princes
Scepter and Estate, are the reputation of a diligent and
carefull providence for the preservation of her estate and
Countries, and the obedience of her Subjects ; and he that
should take either of these from her, should take from
her the Crowne and Scepter. For the first, he notably
shewed at large, how her Majesty had deserved it in
the whole course of the Irish warres ; for obedience he
shewed the nature of it, consisting in precisely following
the streight line of the Princes commandement, and upon
that straine he amplified to the uttermost all the Earles
contempts and disobediences, that her Majesties great
mercy might appeare the more cleerely. Among the rest,
(for he went through them all in order) he answered thus
to the pretence of Leicesters president for excuse of the
Earles returne. In good things, the example is better
then the imitation of another, he that doth wel of his
owne head, doth best, and he that doth well by imitation,
doth commendably in a lesse degree ; but in bad things,
the proportion is otherwise, the example being naught,
the imitation is worse : Therefore if my Lord of Leicester
did evill, in comming over contrary to the Queenes com-
322
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
mandement, my Lord of Essex did worse in imitating
my Lord of Leicester, and is so much the more to be
punished for it. In the end, he came to the censure,
which was this. If quoth he this cause had beene heard
in the Starre-chamber, my sentence must have beene so
great a fine, as ever was set upon any mans head in that
Court, and perpetuall imprisonment in that place which
belongeth to a man of his quality, that is the Tower;
but now that we are in another place, and in a course
of favour, my censure is, that he is not to execute the
office of a Counsellor, nor to hold himselfe for a Counsellor
of Estate, nor to execute the office of Earle Marshall of
England, nor of the Master of the Ordinance, and to
returne to his owne house, there to continue a prisoner
as before, till it shall please her Majesty to release both
this and all the rest.
After my Lord Keeper all the rest in order gave their
censures, (amplifying her Majesties clemency and the
Earles offences), according to the manner in the Starre-
chamber ; but all accorded to this censure, (for so they
called it, and not a sentence), Master Secretary said, my
censure is, that the Earle deserveth, &c. The greater
part of the day was spent in the Lords censures, who
were many of them very long, onely the noble men (not
Counsellors) were short.
The Earle of Worcester cited these two verses ;
Silicet a Superis etiam fortuna luenda est,
Nec veniam, laeso numine, casus habet.
Even for our fortune Gods may cast us downe,
Neither can chance excuse, if a God frowne.
The Earle of Cumberland said, if he thought that
censure should stand, he would crave longer time, for it
seemed unto him somewhat hard and heavy, intimating
how easily a Generali Commander might incurre the like ;
but (quoth hee) in confidence of her Majesties mercy, I
agree with the rest.
The Lord Zouch would give no other censure, but that
3 2 3
The censures
of the rest.
The Earle of
Worcester.
The Earle of
Cumberland.
The Lord
Zouch,
A.D.
l600.
The Earle
chearefull.
Tyrone's letter
to the
Countess of
Ormond.
[II. i. 75.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
which he thought the Earle would lay upon himselfe,
that was, that he would restraine himselfe from executing
his Offices, &c. and keepe himselfe in his house, till her
Majesty shall release all.
They all seemed by their speeches to conceive a sure
hope of her Majesties releasing this censure, and the Earle
was reasonably chearefull, onely his body seemed weake
and distempered with sickenesse, and now and then he
shewed most manifest tokens of sorrow for his offence
to her Majesty, by teares in his eyes, (specially in the
first part of his owne speech, and when my Lord Keeper
spake).
Now I returne to the Irish affaires. Tyrone on the
fifth of June wrote to the Countesse of Ormond, that he
had written to Owny mac Rory, requesting him to take
pledges for the Earle her husband, and so to inlarge him,
conditionally, that he should sweare to doe henceforward
no hurt or hinderance to any in action with him. And
further, that the young Lady his mistresse, (meaning the
Earles daughter and heire) should in no sort be taken
for a pledge, especially because it was given out, that
under that colour, he sought to marry her to his eldest
sonne. Avowing lastly, that where it was said, that the
Earle was treacherously surprised, (which could hardly
have beene so proved, that Tyrone and his rebellious
confederates should have beleeved it), he would in that
case not onely take his favour from Owny, but procure
the Earles inlargement without any condition, though by
his release all Ireland should be destroied. To the same
effect Tyrone writ to the Earle of Ormond, whose Letter
he sauced with generall complaints against the Earle, for
the rigorous prosecutions he had formerly made against
him and his associates, but this letter being permitted
to be sent to Dublyn, the said point could not be thought
void of that cunning, wherein the writer excelled. A
third Letter he wrote at the same time to Owny mac
Rory, making Owny himselfe Judge, whether hee had
treacherously taken the Earle or no, advising him to take
3M
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
the best pledges he could, (the above named young Lady
excepted) ; and for more security, to send them to be
kept in Tyrone, if he concurred with him in opinion,
that his so doing would be more safe, then if Owny
himselfe should keepe them in those parts. These Letters
he dated (forsooth) from his Campe neere the Newry, so
gallant was the Gentleman, now the Lord Deputy was
returned with his forces into the Pale, who otherwise
never appeared in Campe, but hid himselfe and his in
boggy woods, and like fortified passages.
The eight of June the Lord Deputy wrote to Master
Secretary concerning the state of Connaght, wherein
nothing was surely the Queenes, but Athlone by a
provident guard, and Galloway by their owne good
disposition, wishing that the governement of that
Province might be conferred on the Earle of Southampton,
(to whom the Lord of Dunkellin would more willingly
resigne, and might doe it with greater reputation to him-
selfe, in respect of the Earles greatnes), rather then upon
Sir Arthur Savage, (who notwithstanding upon the
Queenes pleasure againe signified, was shortly after made
Governour of that Province). His Lordship protested
that it was such a place, as he knew the Earle would not
seeke, but onely himselfe desired this, because he knew
the Earles aptnes and willingnes to doe the Queene
service, if he might receive such a token of her favour,
justly commending his valour and wisdome, as well in
generall, as in the late particular service in the Moyry,
when the Rere being left naked, he by a resolute charge
with sixe horse, upon Tyrone in the head of 220. Horse,
drove him back a musket shot, and so assuring the Rere,
saved the honour of the Queenes Army. To which
purpose, though not so amply, his Lordship also wrote
to the Queene.
At this time the County of Dublyn, on the South of
the River Liffy, was in effect wholly overrunne by the
Rebels, the County of Kildare was likewise possessed
or wasted by them. The County of Meath was wasted,
325
A.D.
l600.
The state of
Connaght.
Counties over
run by the
Rebels.
A.D.
l600.
The Lord
Deputy's
orders to Sir
Arthur
Chichester.
The Lord
Deputy' s
letter to
Master
Secretary.
[II. i. 76.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
as also the County of West Meath, (excepting the Barrony
of Delvin,) and the County of Louth : So that in the
English Pale, the Townes having Garrisons, and the
Lands from Drogheda (or Tredagh) to the Navan, and
thence backe to Trym, and so to Dublyn, were onely
inhabited, which were also like to grow waste, if they
were further charged with the souldiers.
The fifteenth of June the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir
Arthur Chichester, Governour of Carickfergus, that he
should not spare the subjects lately submitting, who
protected the rebels goods ; that he should receive
no more, but such as would simply submit, and
give good pledges, neither should give pay to any,
except he knew their service would be very beneficiall to
the Queene, that he should continue to treat with the
Ilander Scots, till advice came out of England what course
should be taken with them. That he should take in
Shane Oneale, with promise of lands and entertainement,
and promise, that for preyes hee should take of the Rebels,
if the English assisted him, he should have a third part,
and if he tooke them without the assistance of the English,
he should have three parts of foure.
The nineteenth of June the Lord Deputy advertised
Master Secretary, that he was more troubled to governe
the friends, then to suppresse the enemies. That finding
the Army a meere Chaos, he had given it forme. That
finding it without spirit, he had given it life. That in all
attempts, hee had preserved the whole body of it, and
every part from any blow, restored the reputation of it,
and possessed it with a disposition to undertake, & a
likelihood to effect great services. That he had omitted
nothing, which might be performed by this Army, in this
estate, during this time. That the assurance the Irish
had received of succours from Spaine, was the onely
fewell of the last blaze of this Rebellion : Therefore
praying that, except Master Secretary had some certainety
that Spaine would not at that time assist the Rebels, the
Army might by all meanes be strengthened, which would
326
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
be necessary if such assistance were sent, and would make
an end of the warres if none were sent. And howsoever
that befell, yet for prevention of Munition and such
supplies to be furnished to the Rebels from Spaine,
advising that some few of the Queenes ships might lie on
the West, and somewhat towards the North of Ireland :
Adding that some little boats made both to row and to
saile, would barre the Ilander Scots from supplying the
Rebels with any munition : And that his Lordship to
meet with the Earle of Ormond, (lately set free by Ony The Earle of
mac Rory, who had taken him Prisoner), that day tooke Ormond set
his journey towards Carlogh, where he hoped to sound the f ree '
bottome of the conditions of his delivery, with the best
course how to disintangle him, and by his conference, to
make a shrewd guesse, how the Earle stood affected in
these doubtfull times. His Lordship in his next Letters
advertised into England, that he was not privy nor con-
senting to the giving of pledges at the Earle of Ormonds
delivery ; but since they were given, in regard of her
Majesties extraordinary care for the Earles liberty, he
did not shew any manifest dislike thereof ; and now
conceived the Earle did apprehend the indignity done to
him by those base traitors, and therefore had such a
spleene against them, as hee had joyned with him in divers
plots, as well to recover the pledges (wherein the Earle
protested to spare no money, if they were so to be
redeemed ; besides that he and their Fathers protested,
that their danger should not hinder them from doing their
uttermost service to the Queene), as also to worke his
revenge upon the Rebels.
At this time Tyrone attending the garrison at Lough-
foyle, & Odonnel starting through Connaght into
Thomond, and spoyling both Countries, Sir Samuel Sir Samuel
Bagnoll drew out of the Newry into Monaghan, where Bagnoll.
he tooke a prey, and killed sixe Commanders, and some
sixty of the common rebels, onely three of his being
slaine, and twenty hurt.
The subjects of the Pale, (fearing belike to be corn-
327
A.D.
l600.
Sir Oliver
Lambert.
The Lord
Deputy's
journey.
[II. i. 77.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
plained on, for the small assistance they gave to the
Queenes service), sent over the Lord of Howth, and Sir
Patricke Barnewell, to make first complaint, (after the
Irish manner) of the wrongs done them by the Army,
never acquainting the Lord Deputy and Counsell there-
with. And notwithstanding their former unwillingnes, to
beare any charge for the Queenes service, now they were
content, for these their Deputies expence in England, to
cesse every plow land at three shillings.
From the seventh of July to the twelfth, Sir Oliver
Lambert with some troopes lay encamped at the Tougher
in Ophalia, where he made a Causey, and built a Fort,
and there left a Guard to keepe the passage alwaies open,
for the victualling of Phillipstowne Fort, in which service
the Earle of Southampton as a voluntary, by his presence
and valour much encouraged our men. At this time
many of the Rebels in Lemster, and the Northerne
borders, made sute to the Lord Deputy to be received
to mercy, with offer of large summes of money to the
Lord Deputy for their pardons, but his Lordship refused
their offer, till they had first done some service, and had
drawne blood against some of their confederates. Thus
much his Lordship advertised into England, the sixteenth
of July, as likewise a good service presently done, and a
great prey taken in the Fuse by Sir Richard Moryson the
Governour of Dundalke.
The same twelfth of July, his Lordship tooke his
journey towards the borders of the North, upon hearing
that Tyrone was drawne into those parts. There his
Lordship intended to spoyle the corne, as likewise in all
other parts, when it should be a little riper. Mac
Mahowne, and Patricke mac Art Moyle, offered now to
submit, but neither could be received, without the others
head. But Oconnor Roe mac Guire, for good respects
of service, was at the same time received to mercy. His
Lordship hearing that Tyrone contained himselfe in his
fastnes, and being required out of England to attempt
something upon the Lemster Rebels, left the Northerne
328
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
borders strongly guarded against any invasion, and left
order with the Counsell to hasten the generall hoasting,
and make ready all provisions for a journey into the
North, and leaving Dublyn the twelfth of August rode
to the Nasse, and so marched to the Fort of Phillipstowne
in Ophaly, with five hundred sixty foote and sixty horse,
besides voluntaries in his company.
In the way into Leax his Lordship tooke a prey of
two hundred Cowes, seven hundred garrons, and five
hundred sheepe, besides great store of small cattell. The
sixeteenth of August, his Lordship burning the Countrey
and spoyling the corne, marched towards the passage, (one
of the most dangerous in Ireland), where Sir Oliver
Lambert with the forces he had was to meet him. Both
of them fought all the way, and killed divers rebels,
whereof the Lord Deputy left fifteene dead in the place,
besides many hurt, they met together at noone. The
seventeenth day the army marched towards a fastnes,
where the rebels had stored great plenty of corne. At the
entry there was a Foard, compassed in with woods,
and a bogge betweene them, where the rebels let the
vanguard of the horse passe ; but his Lordship
passing with a few gentlemen, and his owne servants
before the vanguard of the foote, the rebels began
the skirmish with him, and the foote wings being
slowly sent out, they came close up to him, the traytor
Tyrrell having appointed an hundred shot to wait on
his Lordships person, with markes to know him. In
this skirmish we killed thirty five rebels, and hurt seventy
five on our part, two onely being killed, and a few slightly
hurt, Captaine Masterson dangerously hurt in the knee,
and his Lordship having a very good horse killed under
him, and another killed under Master John Chidley a
gentleman of his Lordships chamber : But the best service
at that time done, was the killing of Owny mac Rory,
a bloody and bold yong man, who lately had taken the
Earle of Ormond prisoner, and had made great stirres
in Mounster. He was the chiefe of the O Mores Sept
329
A.D.
1600.
The Lord
Deputy fights
the rebels.
Owny mac
Rory killed.
A. D.
1600.
The rebels
corne cut
dowtie.
Lenagh , a
famous rebell
taken.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
in Leax and by his death they were so discouraged, that
they never after held up their heads. Also a bold bloody
rebell Callogh mac Walter, was at the same time killed.
Besides that his Lordships staying in Leax till the twenty
three of August, did many other waies weaken them ;
for during that time, he fought almost every day with
them, and as often did beate them. Our Captaines, and
by their example (for it was otherwise painefull) the
common souldiers, did cut downe with their swords all
the Rebels corne, to the value of ten thousand pound
and upward, the onely meanes by which they were to live,
and to keepe their Bonaghts (or hired souldiers). It
seemed incredible, that by so barbarous inhabitants, the
ground should be so manured, the fields so orderly
fenced, the Townes so frequently inhabited, and the high
waies and paths so well beaten, as the Lord Deputy here
found them. The reason whereof was, that the Queenes
forces, during these warres, never till then came among
them. The Lord Deputy in his returne the first day
passed into another part of the Country with the foot
alone ; for the horse not able to passe were sent about,
so as the rebels had the advantage they most desire, to
fight with our foot, without assistance of horse : yet
all the rebels of Lemster here gathered together, and
fighting upon their naturall ground, had beene so beaten,
as that they suffred our men to passe without a blow.
That night eight heads were brought to the Lord Deputy,
and with them one Lenagh a famous rebell, taken alive,
who was presently hanged on the same tree, where he
plotted all his villanies. Sir Oliver Lambert, with some
troopes marched into Donnell Spagniahs Countrey, where
he tooke 1000. Cowes, 500. Garons, great store of sheepe,
and killed twenty rebels at the first entry, besides many
killed in a fight, which the rebels after maintained all
the day and part of the night. Sir Arthur Savage
comming out of Connaght to meet the Lord Deputy,
fought long with the Rebels, spoiled the Countrey, and
tooke a great prey, but could not passe to his Lordship.
33 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
In the Lord Deputies returne out of Leax, Redmond,
Keating, and the chiefe of the Septs of the Kellies and
Lalors were received into her Majesties protection, upon
condition to set at liberty the Earle of Ormonds pledges
in their hands.
By this time his Lordship had received out of England
gracious allowance of his former Northerne journey, with
her Majesties promise to reinforce the Army with two
thousand foote, and two hundred horse, against the next
journey into those parts, requiring him not to give any
one man the commaund of both horse and foote ; and
whereas all Companies were of two hundred, or one
hundred fiftie, advising to distribute some part into lesse
numbers, that more Gentlemen might be satisfied with
commaunds, with the onely increase of some chiefe
officers pay, and that his Lordship would be sparing to
give pasports for any to come into England, to trouble
her Majestie with sutes, and most of all not to suffer
able men to returne out of Ireland, as they daily did, with
their Captaines pasportes. And to the end the Com-
maunders might not be idle, her Majestie required, that
all services done by them, might be certified monethly
into England. About this time the Earle of South-
ampton, leaving the warres of Ireland, sayled into
England. This Summers service made it appeare, that
journeys with a great Army did not so much good, as
Garrisons lying upon the Rebels, which upon any sudden
service, might easily bee drawne together in competent
numbers, and in the meane time kept the Rebels at home,
from seconding one another.
The Lord Deputy by his letters, during the foresaid
journy, explained to the Lords in England, that he had
been most carefull not to increase her Majesties charge
in any thing, the want whereof would not have made
the rest of her great expence to be unprofitable : and
to the end the Commaunders might not be thought to
lye idle, besides the good fortune that none of them had
received any blow, hee particularly remembred many
33i
A.D.
1 600.
[II. i. 78.]
Reinforce-
ments for the
Army.
The Lord
Deputy s
letters into
England.
A.D.
l600.
The Lord
Deputy
returns to
Dublin.
The
complaints o J
the Pale.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
preyes taken, and services done, and for the chiefe
Garrisons on the North borders, advertised, that Sir
Arthur Chichester had layed all the Countrie waste within
twenty miles of Carickfergus ; that Sir Samuel Bagnol
at the Newry had done the like ; that Sir Richard Moryson
at Dundalke had banished Turlough Mac Henry out of
the Fuze into Monaghan, and yet the two last, with
most part of their Garisons, had bin part of the Army
in all former journies.
The twentie sixe of August his Lordship returned from
this journey of Leax to Dublin, and there received
advertisement, that her Majestie could not refuse to heare
the complaints of the Pale, by the Deputies formerly
mentioned to bee sent over, though she had sharpely
rebuked them, that they did not first complaine to the
Lord Deputie, which they excused by experience, that
like complaints in Ireland had ever been vaine. The
chiefe complaints were these ; that the forces that should
lye upon the borders, neare the Rebels, were lodged upon
them. That the fetching of one barrell of powder, was
often made a sufficient reason to spoyle them, by a
company of horse and foote sent to convoy it. That
the Clarkeship of the Counsell was sold, and then executed
by a Deputie, who for every small petition tooke great
fees. That the spirituall livings were given to ignorant
and idle persons, being the chiefe cause of this rebellion ;
scarce any Church standing for sixtie miles betweene
Dublin and Athlone. That they were spoyled as much
by the Army as Rebels, no souldier nor Captaine being
punished, nor any order given for remedie taking effect.
That private Captaines gave pasportes to run awaies,
and her Majestie was deceived by false Musters, so as the
forces were weake to end the warre, and they were spoyled
as much as if the number were full, requiring that some
Gentlemen of the Pale might be joyned with the Com-
missaries, in taking the musters of adjacent Garrisons.
In the same letter her Majestie commaunded the Lord
Deputy to signifie to Sir Arthur O Neale, that she
332
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
purposed to create him Earle of Tyrone, and give him a
portion of lands fit for an Earledome. And for Tyrone,
that the Lord Deputy should proclaime him Traytor, with
promise of two thousand pound to any should bring him
alive, and one thousand pound to him that should bring
his head to any of hir Majesties Fortes or Garrisons.
Lastly, her Majesty gave letters of favour to the Deputies
of the Pale, directed to the Lord Deputy, to whom the
complaints were wholly referred, it being her Majesties
pleasure, that only before him, and by him, they should
be heard and redressed.
Yet because the Lord Deputie was many waies taxed
in these complaints, hee did expostulate in his next letters
to Master Secretarie, that hee should be taxed for those
things, for which he expected approbation and thankes.
The wisest Counsels (said he) are uncertaine, and the
wisest men unperfect, and what shall I looke for, when
out of my weakenesse (though free from wilfulnesse) I
shall happen to commit any errour of consequence, seeing
I am now charged with so many matters, and those
nothing belonging to me. His Lordship added, that in
his opinion, nothing had made the affaires of Ireland more
unprosperous, then that the State used to heare every
man against and before the chiefe Governour, so as hee
was driven to let matters goe as they would, so as hee
might save himselfe. Another discontented letter he
wrote to the same effect, and to the same person, but
therein explained other grievances, besides the former
complaints. And whereas the Lords of the Counsell had
taxed him, for being ruled by young counsell (wherby
he understood his three most familiar friends to be meant,
namely, Sir Henry Davers, Sir Richard Moryson, and
Sir William Godolphin) he boldly answered, that besides
the Counsellors of State, hee used the familiarity of none,
which were not older then Alexander the great, when he
conquered the World. Lastly, he protested to Master
Secretarie, that he tooke him for his chiefest friend, and
knew that he had more power to do him good or hurt,
333
A.D.
l600.
Tyrone
proclaimed,
Traytor.
[II. i. 79.]
The Lord
Deputy
expostulates to
Master
Secretarie.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
l600.
then any other, yet as he would not dishonestly lose him,
so he would not basely keepe him, beseeching him to use
his power, in mediating licence unto him, that he might
come over for a short time, to kisse the Queenes hand,
for touching other favours concerning the publike, he
would never acknowledge any particular obligation to
him, or to any other, since hee made his demaunds as
he thought best for the service, but the granting or
denying thereof, concerned not him.
The Muster of the Army at Dundalke, before the
sitting downe at the Faghard Hill.
The Muster of
the Army at
Dundalke.
Colonels of Regiments.
In Lyst
The Lord De-
200
Captaine
puties Guard.
Berey. h
The Marshall
472.
Sir Rich. Wing-
, field.
'The Sergeant
150
Major Sir Oli-
200
Under the
ver Lambert.
Lord
Deputie.
Capt. Hand-
serd.
IOO
400.
t Capt. Fisher.
IOO
'Sir Christopher
** nn
Saint Laurence.
Sir Chris-
topher Saint.
Sir Henry Fol-
lyot
150
Laurence.
Earle of Kil-
367 -
dare.
15°
cSir Fra : Shane.
IOO
Sick &
Where- Swords , h “ rt
By Muster. of Irish- want-
men ' in S' Dun-
Targets
28
Pikes
32
1 20
01
00
16
Shot
60
Targets
4
Pikes
39
96
10
30
06
Shot
53
Targets
10
Pikes
46
108
08
°5
05
Shot
5 2
Targets
1
Pikes
28
79
20
10
06
Shot
5 °
Targets
3
Pikes
2 1
69
°5
20
11
Shot
45
Targets
10
Pikes
61
141
1 1 3
H
12
Shot
70
Targets
6
Pikes
36
90
15
10
09
Shot
48
Targets
6
Pikes
35
81
78
06
H
Shot
40
Targets
00
Pikes
18
55
47
04
08
Shot
37
334
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l600.
Colonels.
In Lyst.
By Muster.
T • » Swords Sick & ("II. i. 8o.l
Irlsh - wanting, hurt. 1 J
r
Sir Charles
Percy.
Sir Charles
Percy.
336 .
Captaine Wil-
liams.
Captaine Roe.
Capt.Staunton.
^SirRich.Mory-
son.
Sir Hen. Da-
vers.
Sir Richard
Moryson. \
473 -
Capt.Caufeild.
Capt. Con-
stable.
Ca. Ravens-
V croft.
Sir Thom.
Bourk.
Sir Thom.
Bourk.
276.
Lord Delvin.
Sir Henrie
Harrington.
Sir Garret
More.
Targets
10
200
Pikes
5 +
149
28
30
°4
Shot
85
Targets
00
150
Pikes
37
90
06
03
10
Shot
53
Targets
4
IOO
Pikes
25
59
08
05
01
Shot
3 °
Targets
00
IOO
Pikes
18
38
00
00
10
Shot
20
Targets
6
200
Pikes
44
1 1 8
22
25
36
Shot
68
Targets
26
200
Pikes
37
128
1 2
15
20
Shot
65
Targets
07
150
Pikes
32
94
10
10
28
Shot
55
Targets
3
IOO
Pikes
25
76
ox
1 2
°5
Shot
48
Targets
3
IOO
Pikes
24
57
01
23
06
Shot
30
Targets
06
150
Pikes
25
85
82
26
H
Shot
54
Targets
°3
150
Pikes
30
76
74
30
10
Shot
43
Targets
°3
IOO
Pikes
20
40
37
08
1 2
Shot
17
Targets
07
IOO
Pikes
23
75
13
1
02
08
Shot
45
The Muster
of the Army
at Dundalke.
335
A.D.
1 600 .
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Colonels.
The Muster
of the Army
at Dundalke.
[II. i. 81 .]
Sir Oliver
Saint Johns.
370 -
Sir S. Bagnol.
3 + 6 .
/"Sir Oliver
Saint Johns.
Sir. Thom.
Wingfeild.
Capt. Billings,
Capt. Treavor.
The men of
Dublin.
S r . S. Bagnol
with broken
companies and
his owne.
\ Capt. Esmond.
Capt. Freckle-
ton.
Totall
In Lyst.
3 y Muster.
Irish.
Swords
wanting
Targets
IO
I 5°
Pikes
33
95
2 4
15
Shot
5 2
Targets
°5
150
Pikes
29
102
2 5
20
Shot
68
Targets
03
I OO
Pikes
2+
59
OI
°4
Shot
32
Targets
06
IOO
Pikes
23
70
OI
15
Shot
4 1
Targets
°3
5°
Pikes
15
4+
+0
00
Shot
26
Targets
18
200
Pikes
2+
200
20
30
Shot
158
Targets
02
150
Pikes
28
82
15
10
Shot
5 2
Targets
°3
IOO
Pikes
15
6+
°3
06
Shot
46
150
Totall |
2640 | 702 |
CO
CO
r 0
05
13
*4
01
00
M
02
The Lord
Deputy at
the hill of
Faghard.
The greatest part of the Army have neither Armours
nor Murrions, neither are here mentioned the sicke and
hurt in other places besides Dundalke, nor yet the warders
allowed out of some of these Companies.
The fourteenth of September his Lordship began
another journy into the North, and the fifteenth incamped
at the hill of Faghard, three miles beyond Dundalke,
and there his Lordship lay till the ninth of October, in
such extremitie of weather, as would have hindred his
passage, if the enemie had not withstood him, his Lord-
ships tent being continually wet, and often blowne downe.
Before his Lordship came, Tyrone with his uttermost
strength had possessed the Moyry, being a strong fast-
nesse, as any the Rebels had, but his Lordship resolved
to march over him, if hee stopped his way, and make him
336
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
know, that his Kerne could not keepe the fortification
against the Queenes forces. Many skirmishes fell out
happily to us, and two severall dayes the Rebels were
beaten out of their trenches with great losse, till at last,
upon the eight of October, they left the passage cleere.
Then after the army was a few daies refreshed at Dun-
dalke, his Lordship marched the twenty one of October
to the Newry, passing through the Moyry, where he
caused all the rebels trenches to be laid flat to the ground,
and the woods to be cut downe on both sides of the Pace.
At the Newry for want of victuals, his Lordship staied
till the second of November, when he set forward eight
miles towards Armagh, and there incamped. The Rebels
horse-men shewed themselves upon a hil ; whereupon Sir
Samuel Bagnols Regiment having the Reare, and being
not yet come into the Campe, was directed to march
towardes them, there being a bog between us and them,
but the Rogues quickly drew to their fastnes. The next
morning his Lordship rode some quarter of a mile from
the Campe, and viewed a place where Sir John Norreys
formerly intended to build a Fort, and liking his choice,
set downe there with the Army to build the same. The
place is a hill like a Promontory, all invironed with
bogges, a River, and great store of wood. By it on the
right hand over the River and a great bogge, was a
little firme ground, and then another bogge, & over that
a faire Countrey, with houses and much corne. His
Lordship could by no meanes send over any horse, but
foure miles about ; wherefore he commanded a regiment
of foote to advance to the first peece of firme ground,
and from thence to send over the next bogge some few
men, to bring in the Corne and Tymber of the houses,
with directions to make their retreit to the grosse, if
the enemies horses should fall downe that way. On the
left hand and before was a bogge, over the bogge before a
great wood, that continueth through all this fastnes, and
over the bogge on the left hand a hill, where Tyrone all
that day and most of the time that the Army lay there,
m. ii 337 y
A.D.
l600.
The Army
marches to the
Newry.
A Fort
intended to be
built.
A.D.
l600.
[II. i. 82.]
Neal Oquin
taken prisoner.
Tyrones head
proclaimed.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
did muster himselfe and his men. This day most of his
horse and foote fell over, but farre about on the right
hand, upon which, our straglers that went out retired
to the firme ground, over the first bogge, and there
beganne betweene our foote and theirs, a very good
skirmish, till our men did beate them off, and brought
with them great store of Corne and wood, and killed
divers of them. In the meane time, their scouts on the
other side being somewhat busie with ours, Neal Oquin
was taken prisoner, being the chiefe favourite unto
Tyrone. The next day we beganne to worke, in the
building of the Fort, and to impeach our worke, the
rogues beganne to skirmish with us on both sides, which
was excellently maintained by some few of our men, that
we sent out : We saw many of them killed, and after
understood they lost a great number, whereof many were
horsemen, of the best sort, that had lighted to incourage
their men to fight. They were then so well beaten, as
they would never after offer to meddle with us, till our
returne by Carlingford. The ninth of November the
Fort being finished, his Lordship called it Mount
Norreys, in honour of his Master, (so he tearmed him,
under whom hee had served his apprentiship in the
warres), and he left therein foure hundred foot, under the
command of Captaine Edward Blaney, with six weekes
provision of victuals.
The weather grew so extreame, as it blew downe all
our Tents, and tore them in pieces, and killed many of
our horses, so that the tenth day his Lordship putting
all the Army in armes, with all the Drummes and
Trumpets, and a great volly of shot, proclaimed Tyrones
head, (with promise of 2000. pound to him that brought
him alive, and 1000. pound to him that brought him
dead), which was done in the face of his own army, and
so his Lordship marched to the Newry. He had purposed
to plant a garrison at Armagh 8 . miles beyond Mount
Norryes, but the rebels Cowes had eaten up all the grasse
thereabouts, which should have fed our horses, and the
338
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
time of the yeere with the weather, was now unseasonable
for that purpose.
And whereas his Lordship was resolved to returne into
the Pale by Carlingford, to discerne whether that way
or the way of the Moyry were more safe, that the army
might not runne so continuall hazards, this resolution
was now confirmed by necessity, there being victuals at
Carlingford, and none at the Newry or Dundalke. The
twelfth of November his Lordship came with the army
to the narrow water, whence he sent Sir Josias Bodley
with three hundred choyce foot to possesse a peece of
ground, and keepe the enemy from hindering our passage
over the water, the streame whereof he found so exceeding
swift, that it was like to be dangerous to venture our
horses over. The first that tried was Doctor Latware,
his Lordships Chaplaine, who only with his horse led
by the boat side, and with some thirty foot, went ovetr;
but his Lordship perceived so great difficulty by his
passage, that he passed the foot over as fast as might be,
sent Sir Henry Folliot to possesse the pace of the
Faddome, and made all the Horse and our Garrons to
goe about that way. In the meane time wee might see
the rebels forces draw over the mountaines towards the
pace of Carlingford, and come close by our men that were
first landed, yet they never offered any skermish. That
night we encamped directly over the narrow water, be-
tweene the pace of the faddome, and the pace of Carling-
ford, & having at midnight gotten over for our men some
vittels, that came by water from Carlingford, his Lordship
caused the same to be delivered before day, for the Army
had fasted two daies, and after they had eaten but a little
bisket, and cheese or butter, never men went on in a
greater jollity. The thirteenth of November we were
to rise very early, for otherwise we could not passe our
carriages by the sea side, as we had determined, and by
breake of day the Scoutmaster brought word that Tyrone
with all his army was lodged in the pace, which is
an exceeding thicke wood, at the foote of a great
339
A.D.
l600.
Carlingford.
fight.
A.D.
l600.
Captaine
Thomas
Roper's
forlorne hope .
[II. i. 83.]
The ground
chosen by the
rebels.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
mountaine, reaching downe to the sea side, betweene
which and the sea, there is in most places as much space
as seven may march in ranke, but in some places lesse,
and in some none at full water, but onely there is a narrow
deepe high way through the wood.
Captaine Thomas Roper with the broken Companies
sent out of the Pale, went on as a forlorne hope, and that
day by course it fell out, that Captaine Benjamin Berry,
with the Lord Deputies Regiment under his command,
had the vanguard, Sir Christopher S l Laurence, had the
reare of the vanguard, Sir Richard Moryson had the
vanguard of the Rere, and Sir Samuell Bagnoll the reare
of the reare, so that we had but two bodies, a vanguard
and a rere, thus subdivided. Captaine Trevor with as
many as Captaine Roper had in the point, led a forlorne
rere. Out of all the regiments his Lordship appointed
three strong wings to goe on the right hand (for on the
left hand was the Sea), commanded all by Captaines ; the
first by Captaine Billings, the second by Captaine Esmond,
and the last by Captaine Constable.
The ground the rebels chiefely chose to make good,
was a little Plaine like a semi-circle, whereof the Sea
made the Diameter, and a thicke Wood the Circum-
ference. At the next corner to us, there ran into the Sea
a River out of the wood, being a Foard of good advantage
to the enemie. All along the circumference they had
made divers trenches, even close up to both the corners,
and at the furthest corner they had made a
Barricado, reaching a good way into the Wood, and
downe to the Sea. At the first they shewed themselves
horse and foote upon this Plaine ; but when his Lord-
ship commanded ours to give on (which they performed
presently and roundly), their horse drew off into the
Woods, and their foote into their trenches, and never %
shot, till the Vanguard was drawne over the River, when
from all partes they powred upon us great vollyes of shot ;
but presently Captaine Roper gave on the farthest trench
on the right hand of the corner, Captaine Billings on the ate
34 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
next with the wing hee led, and Captaine Berry with the
rest of the Vanguard gave upon the farthest corner, where
the Barricado reached from the Wood into the Sea. In
some of them they made good resistance, and many of
them lost their lives with the Pike and the Sword. But
the last trench where they made greatest shew of
opposition, they did soonest quit, though it were strongest
for them, and to greatest purpose to arrest us : the reason
his Lordship conceived to be, that in that place they were
furthest from their retreat, and feared the forlorne Hope
and Wing led by Captaine Billings might cut betweene
them. When we had gained the trenches, the Vanguard
made a stand, in the Rere of which, to countenance them
(if there had been occasion), his Lordship stood with a
troope of horse of voluntarie Gentlemen, and next to
his Lordship (betweene the Van and next bodies of foote)
Sir Henrie Davers and his Lordships troopes of horse.
At this time they entertained skermish with all parts of
our Army, but still falling towards the Rere, and at this
time his Lordships Secretarie Master George Cranmer
was killed, betweene Sir William Godolphin and Mast.
Henrie Barkely, Master Ram his Lord ps . Chaplaines horse
was killed, and a Gentleman of his Lordships chamber,
called Master Done (that carried his cloake) shot through
the leg. And I will not forget one accident, that might
have proved of great consequence : During this stand,
his Lordship roade up to a little hill in the edge of the
Wood, underneath which our men were in skirmish with
the rebels, beyond whom somewhat more then a musket
shot off, on the side of a hil, by a few little houses, there
stood in a troope some seven or eight horsemen on foote,
with their horses by them, at whom his Lordship caused
his footeman to shoot (who alwaies carried a long piece
with him), who (as within two howers after it was told
his Lordship by one that was at that time one of the
number) killed the next man to Tyrone, on whose
shoulder at that time he leaned. Sir Henrie Davers came
unto his Lordship, and desired he might take twentie of
34i
A.D.
l600.
His Lordship' s
Secretarie
killed.
A.D.
l600.
Fourescore of
the enemie
killed outright.
[II. i. 84.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
his owne horse to fall into the Rere, because he saw all
the enemies horse fall thitherward, and that the Irish
horse onely that day had the Rere. His Lordship gave
him leave, and withall sent young James Blount with 100
shot out of the Vanguard, Captaine Caufeild, and Captaine
Constable with as many more out of Sir Richard Mory-
sons Regiment, to reinforce the Rere, with whom the
rogues continued a good skermish, almost for halfe an
hower, untill their horse and foote comming on a little
plaine, somewhat farre from the skirt of the Wood, Sir
Hen. Davers charged home, & brake them, but in the
beginning of the charge he was shot in the thigh. After
this charge they presently drew off their foote by the
Mountaines, and their horse by the strand over against
the narrow water. In our Rere Captaine Richard Hansard
and Captaine Trever were sore hurt, and Sir Garret Mores
Ensigne and Hugh Hanlon killed, and in all wee lost not
twenty, but above threescore were hurt. Of the enemie
(as we heard then of certaine) there were fourescore killed
outright, but within two daies after his Lordship under-
stood by Maguire, that they lost two hundred. The
Marshall and the Serjeant Major were alwaies in the
Van or Rere, as in either place the fight grew hottest, and
generally all the Commaunders and souldiers served with
extraordinary forwardnes and alacrity. To conclude, by
credible reports the Rebels lost in this journey above
800. and Tyrones reputation (who did all things by his
reputation) was cleane overthrowne, so that from all places
they began to seeke pardons or protections. On our
part in the whole journey some two hundred were killed
and dead of hurts, and some 400. were hurt, which
shortly after recovered.
Give me leave to digresse a little to continue the
journall of my travels, the writing whereof hath occasioned
the relation of Irish affaires. When the Earle of Essex
went Lord Lieftenant into Ireland, the Lord Mountjoy
was first named to that place, whereupon by my brother
Sir Richard Morysons inwardnes with him, I then
342
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
obtained his Lordships promise to follow him into Ireland,
in the place of his chiefe Secretary. But this imployment
failing us both, I retired my selfe into Lincolneshire,
where I lived till his Lordship was the last spring sent
over Lord Deputy, and such was then my diffidence of
vulgar reports, (for I had no other knowledge of his
Lordships imployment), that I did not certainely beleeve
the change of the Deputy, till his Lordship was ready to
take his journey, which was besides extraordinarily
hastened by the Queenes command, for the necessity of
her affaires in that Kingdome : yet my letter swifter then
my selfe came to his Lordships hands, before his going ;
and from him I received this honourable answere, that
not knowing what was become of me, he had already
received three Secretaries, yet wished me to follow him,
for he would find out some fit and good imployment for
me. The indisposition of my body by reason of an
ague staied me some few moneths in that Countrey ;
but in July taking my journy for Ireland, I came to
Cambridge, whereas yet I was one of the fellowes of
Peter-house. The Master and Fellowes by speciall
indulgence had continued unto mee my place, with leave
to travell from the yeere 1589. to this present July, in
the yeere 1600. At which time being modest further
to importune so loving friends, and having the foresaid
assurance of preferment in Ireland, I yeelded up my
Fellowship, which in my former absence had yeelded me
some twenty pound yeerely. And the society (to knit
up their loving course towards me) gave mee aforehand
the profit of my place for two yeeres to come : For which
curtesie and for my education there, I must ever acknow-
ledge a strict bond of love and service to each of them
in particular, and to the whole body jointly. From thence
I went to London, and so to Westchester; and whilest
I staid there for a passage, I received another letter, by
which I did gather that his Lordship purposed to imploy
me in the writing of the History or Journall of Irish
affaires. But it pleased God in his gracious providence,
343
A.D.
l600.
Kindness of
the Master
and Fellowes
of Peter house.
A.D.
l600.
Sir Richard
Moryson,
Governour.
Letter from
the Lord
Admirall.
[II. i. 85.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
(which I may never leave unmentioned) to dispose better
of me. For staying for a wind till the end of September,
one of his Lordships three Secretaries, (either to avoide
the trouble and danger of the warres, or for other reasons
best knowne to him) came over, and told me that he
had left his Lordships service. Thus with better hope of
preferment, I crossed the seas in very tempestuous
weather, (at our putting to sea the carkasse of a broken
ship swimming by us, and at our entring the Port of
Dublyn, another ship being cast away in crossing from
one shoare to another, wherein a Bishop and his whole
family were drowned). After few daies spent in Dublyn,
I tooke my journey to Dundalke, on the Northerne
borders, where my brother Sir Richard Moryson was then
Governour, and there I lodged till the Lord Deputies
returne with the Army. And the thirteenth of November,
being the day of Carlingford fight above mentioned,
whilest I walked in my brothers garden, I sensibly heard
by reverberation of the wall, the sound of the vollies of
shot in that skirmish, though the place were at least
six miles distant. In this fight the Lord Deputy his chiefe
Secretary George Cranmer (as is above mentioned) was
killed, and his Lordship having now but onely one
Secretary, did receive me the next day at Dundalke into
Cranmers place.
I return to the Irish affaires. At Dundalk his Lord-
ship received a letter from the Lord Admirall, signifying
that hee had earnestly moved her Majesty to give him
leave to come over for a short time, whose answere was,
that there lived not any man that shee would be more
glad to see then his Lordship : but that now he had
begunne so worthily, and all things prospered under his
worke, she would not give incouragement to the Rebels
by his absence, whom his presence had so daunted.
344
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
The List of the Army, and the distribution of the
same into Garrisons in the end of November.
Twelve Colonels of the Armie.
The Earle of Thomond : Lord Dunkellin : Sir Henrie
Dockwra : Sir Arthur Chichester : Sir Henrie Power :
Sir Charles Percy : Sir Matthew Morgan : Sir Christopher
Saint Laurence : Sir Charles Wilmot : Sir Arthur Savage :
Sir Richard Moryson : Sir John Bolles.
Foote at Carickfergus.
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour, 150. Sir Foulk
Conway, 150. Captaine Richard Croftes, 100. Captaine
Charles Egerton, 100. Captaine Gregorie Norton, 100.
Horse.
Sir Arthur Chichester, 25. Captaine John Jephson
100.
Foote at Mount Norreys.
Captaine Edward Blaney Governour, 150. Sir Samuel
Bagnol, 150. Captaine Henrie Athyerton, 150.
Horse at the Newry.
Sir Samuel Bagnol Governour, 50.
Foote.
Sir Oliver Saint Johns, 150. Sir Francis Stafford, 200.
Captaine Josias Bodley, 150. Captaine Edward Trever,
100. Captaine Edward Fisher, 100. Captaine Ravens-
croft, 100.
Foote at Carlingford.
Captaine Richard Hansard, 100.
Foote at Dundalke.
Sir Richard Moryson Governour, 150. Sir Henrie
Davers, 150. Captaine Tobie Cafeild, 150. Captaine
Ferdinand Freckleton, 100. Captaine Ralph Constable,
100.
A.D.
l600.
The List of
the Army and
the Garrisons.
345
A.D.
l600.
The List of
the Army and
the Garrisons.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Horse.
Sir Henry Davers, 50.
Foote at Arde.
Sir Charles Percy, 150. Sir Garret More, 100. Cap-
taine Thomas Mynne, 100. Captaine Thomas Williams,
150. Captaine Francis Roe, 100.
Horse.
Sir Henrie Davers, 50. Sir Garret More, 25.
Foote at Ballymore.
Sir Francis Shane, 100. Captaine Thomas Roper, 150.
Captaine Rotheram, 100.
At Mullingar.
The Lord of Delvin, 150 Foote. Sir Christopher Saint
Laurence, 25 Horse.
At the Navan.
Sir Thomas Maria Wingfeild, 150 Foote. The Lord
Deputie, 100 Horse.
Foote at Drogheda.
Captaine Billings, 100. Captaine Linley, 100. Cap-
taine Jefferey Dutton, 100. Captaine Morice, 100.
Captaine Bentley, 100.
Foote at Trymme.
Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 150. Sir Edward
Harbert, 100. Captaine Yelverton, 100.
Foote at Kelles.
The Lord of Dunsany, 150. Captaine Hugh Orely,
100.
Horse.
Lord of Dunsany, 50.
Foot at Aboy, Clancary and the Castles of Ophalia.
Sir Henrie Folliot, 150. Captaine Lionel Guest, 150.
Sir Henrie Warren, 100.
346
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Foote in the Fort of the Dingon, and at the Nasse.
Sir George Bourcher, ioo. The Lord Dunkellin, 150.
Sir Henrie Harrington, 100. Captaine Thomas Boyse,
100.
Horse at New-castle.
Captaine Daughtrey, 50. Sir Henrie Harrington, 25.
At Athey, Reban, and the borders of Leax.
Sir Henrie Poore, 150. Sir James Fitzpiers, 150.
Master Marshel, 150. Captaine Philips, 100. Sir
Thomas Loftus, 100 Foote.
The Marshall, 50 Horse.
Foote in the Forts, Sir Francis Rush, 1 50.
Foote in Occarrals Countrie, Captaine Mollrony
Ocarrol, 100.
Foote and Horse in Kilkenny.
The Earle of Ormond Lieutenant of the Armie, 1 50.
Captaine Marbery, 100 Foote. The Earle of Ormond,
50 Horse.
Foote and Horse in Kildare.
The Earle of Kildare, 150 Foote. The Earle of
Kildare, 50 Horse.
Foote and Horse in the Countie of Waxford.
Sir Oliver Lambert, 150. Captaine John Masterson,
100. Captaine Esmond, 1 50 Foote. Sir Oliver Lambert,
25 Horse.
Foote at Dublin.
The Lord Deputies Guard, commanded by Captaine
Berry 150.
Foote and Horse in Connaght.
Sir Arthur Savage Governour, 150. The Earle of
Clanrickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourk, 150. Sir Tibbot
Dillon, 100. Captaine Clare, 150. Captaine Tibot
Nelong, 100. Captaine Thomas Bourgh, 100 Foote.
The Earle of Clanrickard, 50. The Lord Dunkellin, 25.
The Marshall of the Province, 12 Horse.
347
A.D.
l600.
The List of
the Army and
the Garrisons.
[II. i. 86.]
A.D.
l600.
The List of
the Army and
the Garrisons.
Sir John
Barkely.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Horse in the Pale at the Captaines disposall neere
themselves, or attending their persons.
Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir William Warren, 25.
Sir John Barkley, 12. Captaine Rich. Greame, 50.
Captaine Garret Fleming, 25. Captaine Pigot, 12.
Captaine Darcy, 25.
At Loughfoyle a remote Garrison, under Sir Henrie
Dockwra his command.
Sir Henrie Dockwra, 50. Sir John Bolles, 50 Horse.
Foote under 25 Captaines, 2900.
In the Province of Mounster at the Lord
Presidents disposall.
The Lord President, 50. Sir Anthony Cooke, 50.
Captaine William Taaf, 25 Horse. Foot under 23
Captaines 2800.
Totall of Horse, 1198. Totall of Foote, 14150.
From Dundalke, the Lord Deputy, with his servants
and voluntary horsemen, rode to Dublin the seventeenth
of November. Within few dayes, upon Sir Arthur
Savage his intreatie to goe for England, about his private
affaires, his Lordship gave him license, and appointed
Sir John Barkely to supplie his place of Provisionarie
Governour of the Province of Connaght. At the same
time his Lordship wrote into England for authoritie to
passe unto certaine submitties their Countries, with
reservation of her Majesties rights, and some other con-
ditions for her profit and service, more particularly on
the behalfe of Connor Roe Mac Guyre, who being put
from the Chiefery of his Country by Tyrone, had quitted
al his possessions and goods, to come to the Queenes
service, when Tyrone had two of his sonnes for pledges,
of which the elder lately escaping from the rebels, had
likewise submitted himselfe, and they both had served
valiantly in the late Northerne journey ; so as the father
had his horse killed under him, and the sonne killed
348
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
three rebels with his owne hand. And from thence both
going into Fermanagh, had drawne many of that Country
to follow them in the Queenes service, diverting all the
Countrie from assisting Tyrone. Besides that in a late
skirmish, they had taken Cormock, Tyrones brothers
eldest sonne, a young man of the greatest hope in the
North, whom the Rebels purposed to create Oneale after
Tyrones death, for which respect he was a better pledge
then any of Tyrones sons. This youth they had brought
to the Lord Deputy, with great hazard to convoy him,
and that when 3000. pound, and other ample conditions
were offered them for his ransome. In the same moneth
of November, many of the Northerne Rebels with great
troops, (among them a Mounster man Piers Lacy of
English race, a famous rebell), drew into the Brenny,
meaning to passe to the Shannon side, and so into
Mounster, after they had strengthened the broken rebels
of the Pale with some assistance. But this their passage
was so stopped, as it tooke no effect. The sixth of
December his Lordship was advertised from an honourable
friend in Court, that his late proceedings were mentioned
by all men with much honour, and most of all by the
Queene, who uttered to himselfe the most gracious and
kind speeches of his Lordship, and the most extolling his
valour and worthy parts, that ever he had heard her use
of any.
Till this time, the rebels of the Mountaines neere
Dublyn, called the Glinnes, gave allarums almost every
night in the Suburbes of Dublyn. But the time when
the insolency of some of them should bee chastened, was
now come. The Obirnes having Phelim mac Feogh, the
chiefe of their Sept, after the death of Feogh mac Hugh,
(formerly mentioned) inhabited the Glinnes bordering on
the plaines of Dublyn, extending some foure or five miles
that way; and these being neerer then the O Tooles and
other their confederates, were most insolent upon that
City, and the Counsell there residing, when the Lord
Deputy was farre off in any service with the horsemen.
349
A.D.
l600.
Cormock ,
Tyrone s
brother’s sonne
taken.
[II. i. 87.]
The rebels
neere Dublyn.
A.D.
1600.
The Lord
Deputy's
cunninge
intent.
The rebels
punished.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Now his Lordship was purposed to scourge them, and
according to his singular secrecie, did so keepe his
Counsell from divulging, and so cunningly masked his
intent, as he came upon them, when they were most
secure. It was confidently given out, that his Lordship
meant presently to undertake some service against the
O Mores of Leax, and Oconnors of Ophalia, and to that
purpose meant to lie with his houshold at Monastreven,
a great house kept by a Constable for the Queen : yea
to make this project more beleeved, his Lordship sent
Arras hangings, and many provisions to that house. And
now the forces having beene refreshed, his Lordship the
twenty two of December, being Monday, rode to the
Nasse twelve miles distant from Dublyn, where the
rendevous was appointed that day for the Lemster
Garrisons, (for it was fit those bordering on the North,
should be left strong.) On Wednesday his Lordship sent
most of his houshold right forward to Monastreven
thirteene miles distant ; but himselfe with the rest of his
servants and the forces, suddenly turned on the left hand
into the Glinnes, and after a day and nights tedious march,
over steepe mountaines covered with snow, he arrived
on Thursday being Christmas day, at Phelim mac Feogh
his house, so suddenly as his wife and eldest sonne were
taken, and himselfe hardly escaped at a backe window,
and naked, into the woods, where he kept a cold Christ-
mas, while my Lord lived plentifully in his house, with
such provisions as were made, for him and his Bonnaghs
and kerne to keepe a merry Christmas. To vent his
anger, he daily offered slight skirmishes upon advantage,
but his heart was nothing eased therewith, being con-
tinually beaten. His Lordship with the Queenes Forces,
lay in this Countrey till about the twentieth of January :
In which time his troopes spoiled and ransacked the
Countries of Rannelagh and Cashay, swept away the most
part of their cattle and goods, burnt all their Corne,
and almost all their Houses, leaving little or nothing to
releeve them ; and to finish the worke, his Lordship
35 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
planted two strong Garrisons upon them, the one at
Wicklo on the East side, (not able to come neerer, because
a ship with our tooles and instruments was beaten backe
by ill weather, and could not arrive in time) ; the other
at Tullogh upon the west, so as they could not long hold
from submitting or flying, being thus hedged in.
This done, his Lordship came to Monastreven, with
purpose to undertake the Mores and Connors. But
having in few daies setled a correspondency for proceeding
in that service, betweene our Forces in those parts, and the
neighbouring septs of Odempsies, and some suspected
subjects, of whose faith till then his Lordship stood not
assured, and discerning the Mores to be weake in Leax,
after the killing of their Chiefetaine Owny mac Rory,
and the burning and spoiling in the Leax journey, so as
they had not meanes to keepe their Bonnaghs, and hearing
that the Oconnors were fled far from that part of Ophaly,
so as neither of them could be found to make resistance
to any reasonable strong Forces. His Lordship leaving
in these parts some few Companies to assist the subjects,
rode from Monastreven the twentie nine of January to
Abiconal, nine miles, passing by the ruined City of
Kildare, now altogether disinhabited. The thirtieth we
passed the Liffye, and came to Milhussy, one Master
Hussyes Castle, eleven miles, passing by some pleasant
Villages, and by Menouth, a faire house, belonging to
the Earles of Kildare, now in the hands of the Countesse
Mabell an old widdow. The thirty one we came to
Trym, eight miles, champion ground. This is a pleasant
towne for seate, if the inhabitants were sutable, through
which the Boyne runnes, and it hath the ruines of a
sumptuous Castle. This place his Lp. thought fittest for
his present residence : for if Captaine Tirrel (now the
chiefe rebel in Ophalia) should draw his force to the
South of the Country, from hence his Lordship might
easily fall back on him. If the rebels in the West desired
to passe into Mounster (as they intended), then our forces
were so disposed, as they could not escape without fight-
35 1
A.D.
1600.
His Lordship
at
Monastreven.
[II. i. 88.]
Trym.
A.D.
l600.
Neale Garve
to have
Tirconnel.
Captain
Tirrels
fastnesse.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
ing with us upon disadvantage to them. And if neither
fell out, then his Lordship purposed to plant a Garrison
at the Cavan in the Brenny, and to settle our above
mentioned Mac Guire in Fermanagh.
At this time his L p desired to have authoritie out of
England, to passe Tirconnel (the Countie of Odonel) to
Neale Garve, reserving eight hundred Acres about Balli-
shannon, and the fishing of the Erne to her Majestie.
And such was the opinion of the service his turbulent
spirit could do the State, as he had the grant of three
hundred foot, and one hundred horse in her Majesties
pay, on condition he should bring the men serviceable,
and maintaine them so, without further charge to her
Majestie.
From Trym, lying in East-Meathe, his Lordship the
eleventh of Februarie, passing by the Barron of Trimble-
stones house, rode to the Lord of Delvins house in West-
Meath, eleven miles distant. The twelfth we passed ten
miles further to Molingar, the Shire towne of West-
Meath, compassed with bogges. Thence the fourteenth,
wee went to Ballymore, Sir Frances Shanes house, ten
long miles. The sixteenth to Sir Tibbot Dillons house,
seven miles. Thence the seventeenth to Athlone, five
miles, where the Governour of the Province of Connaght
useth to lye in a strong Castle belonging to her Majestie,
which being scituate in Connaght, is divided from the
Towne by a River and a faire bridge of stone with eight
arches, lying in West-Meath. And all this Countrie is
Champion, whereof the greatest part lay waste. His
Lord p returned back the eighteenth of February to Sir
Tibbot Dillons house, and the nineteenth to Danoar
twelve miles, being Brian Mac Gohagans Castle in West-
Meath.
While his Lordship lay in this Castle, he rode forth the
twentieth of February, to view a strong hold, seated
in a plaine, and in a little Hand, compassed with bogges
and deepe ditches of running water, and thicke woods,
in which fastnesse Captaine Tirrel, with some of the
35 2
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
boldest Rebels then lay. At the first approch to the
bogge, two shot of the Rebels came out, our horsemen
standing on a hill, moved continually, but my selfe being
a raw souldier, stood stil, and because I had a white
horse, I gave the Rebels a faire marke, so as the first
shot flew close by my head, and when I apprehending my
danger, turned my horse, the second flew through my
cloake, and light in my padde saddle, (which saved my
life), and brused my thigh. Presently his Lordship sent
Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, Captaine Winsor, Cap-
taine Roper, and Captaine Rotheram, with wings of Foote
into the Wood, to discover the fortified Hand. And on
the other side sent Captaine Leg to the same purpose.
While these skirmished with the rebels lying intrenched,
Master Darcy riding by the skirt of the Wood, was shot
in the neck. The two and twenty day his Lordship drew
forth againe, and we carried hurdles and fagots to passe
into the Hand, but the water carrying them away, and
his Lordships Guard being not well seconded by the
Irish, wee came off with losse, and Captaine Rotheram
was shot.
Before I proceede, I must digresse a little to other
matters. In this Journey (begun the twentie two of
December) his Lordship received commandement to
pardon all such in Mounster as should require it, and
should be commended by the Lord President, with assur-
ance that Spaine was so intangled with the warre of
Savoy, as the Irish Rebels could at this time have small
succour thence. His Lordship writ to Master Secretary to
procure him leave to start over into England, to kisse the
Queenes hands, and to conferre with him about the Irish
service, professing that hee reputed him his honourable
friend, and did much disdaine that humour in any subject
(if any such were) which would thinke him tyed by any
respect, from having his affection free to love him. In
the beginning of Februarie, the Lord President of
Mounster, excused himselfe to the Lord Deputy, that hee
had made stay of some forces his Lordship had directed
353 z
A.D.
l600.
A narrow
escape.
Pardon for
the rebels in
Mounster.
[II. i. 89.]
M. II
A.D.
l600.
A plot for
Tyrone's head.
The Earle of
Essex
committed to
the Tower.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
to come from thence, because hee had intelligence that
some Northerne Rebels were sent to invade Mounster.
But his Lordship knowing that he had stopped their
passage, and that they could not goe with any great
numbers, if perchance they escaped, did againe require
that these forces might be sent unto him. At this time,
there was a plot for Tyrones head, the managing whereof
was commended to Sir Richard Moryson Governour of
Dundalke, whether Sir William Godolphin was sent with
his troope of horse, to second this plot, which tooke not
the wished effect ; the undertaker Henry Oge Oneale
failing in his courage, or in his faith.
Now I will returne to his Lordships actions while hee
lay at Maghogans Castle. The same two & twentieth
of February, his Lord received a packet out of England,
by which he understood that the Earle of Essex
was committed to the Tower for treason, which much
dismaied him and his neerest friends, and wrought strange
alteration in him : For whereas before he stood upon
termes of honour with the Secretary, now he fell flat to the
ground, and insinuated himselfe into inward love, and to
an absolute dependancy with the Secretary, so as for a
time he estranged himselfe from two of his neerest friends,
for the open declaration they had made of dependancy on
the Earle of Essex ; yet rather covering, then extinguish-
ing his good affection to them. It is not credible that the
influence of the Earles malignant star, should worke upon
so poore a snake as my selfe, being almost a stranger to
him yet my neerenesse in bloud to one of his Lordships
above named friends, made it perhaps seeme to his Lord-
ship improper, to use my service in such neerenesse, as
his Lordship had promised and begun to doe. So as the
next day he tooke his most secret papers out of my hand,
yet giving them to no other, but keeping them in his
owne cabinet : and this blow I never fully recovered
while I staied in Ireland. In truth his Lordship had good
cause to be wary in his words and actions, since by some
confessions in England, himselfe was tainted with privity
354
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
to the Earles practises, so that howsoever he continued
still to importune leave to come over ; yet no doubt he
meant nothing lesse, but rather (if he had been sent
for) was purposed with his said friends to saile into France,
they having privately fitted themselves with money and
necessaries thereunto. For howsoever his Lordship were
not dangerously ingaged therein, yet hee was (as hee
privately professed) fully resolved not to put his necke
under the fyle of the Queenes Atturnies tongue. But
his Lordships former service, and the necessity of his
future imployment, together with his good successe, so
strengthened him, as without great unthankefulnesse, and
popular obloquy, he could not have beene questioned
upon this weake ground.
The same twenty two of February, his Lordship in
counsell resolved to proclaime, that all such as had any
rebels goods, should discover them, or be guiltie of
Treason : That none upon paine of death should parley
with the rebels : that the Countrey should bring in
victuals to the Campe, which no man (upon paine of
death) should take from them without paying the price
of the market. And thus purposing to force the rebels
out of the fortified Hand, and then to plant a garrison
at the Abbey neere adjoyning ; and to charge the new
submitted subjects to joyne with this garrison in the
service, as also to take order for the safe victualing of
the same when he should be gone, his Lordship resolved
the next day to make another attempt against the Hand
wherein Terril lay, preparing all things to second the
same, and taking order to bring victualls to the Campe
from all parts, and especially from Athlone by boates.
The twenty three of February, his Lordship drew forth
to the Abbey, where hee had lodged foure hundred
souldiers, there hee dined and proclaimed Terrils head
at two thousand crownes, and after dinner drawing to the
Hand, he divided the forces, sending part to put boates
into the water, and so to assaile the Hand, and causing
the rest to be led into the Woods to fetch out the rebels
355
A.D.
1600.
Proclamation
by the Lord
Deputy.
Terril' s head
proclaimed.
[II. i. 90.]
A. 13.
l600.
Letter from
her Majesty.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
corne, and to burne the houses, and such things for their
reliefe, as they could not bring away. The twenty foure
of February, being Shrove-tuesday, there fell a great
snow, so that we were forced to lie still, and the next night
the Rebels did steale away, leaving the Hand to his Lord-
ship, where the next day wee found much corne, some
Murrions and Peeces, eight Cowes, and some garrons.
The twenty six, his Lordship drew the forces beyond
the Hand, into a pleasant valley, wherein was a ruined
house of Sir Edward Herberts, and the ground was well
plowed by the Rebels. Our men burnt houses and corne,
and his Lordship gave an Angell to a Souldier to swim
over the water, and burne the houses in another Hand.
Then we came to a river, which divideth West Meath,
and Ophaly ; into which countrey his Lordship sent
divers companies under Sir Christopher, Saint Laurence,
to spoyle the same. The twenty seven, his Lordship rode
six miles to Sir John Tirrels, a strong Castle, wee passed
by the way Tirrels pace, compassed with bogges and hilly
woods. This Knight was a subject, and here his Lord-
ship rested the next day. The first of March his Lord-
ship rode to Klonegave, the house of Sir Terrence
O dempsey in Ophalia, being twelve miles ; in the first
part whereof wee passed a dangerous part of Tirrels
fastnesse.
Here his Lordship received a gracious Letter from her
Majesty, whereby she made known unto him the Earle of
Essex his death, & (to use her own words) professed,
that in regard of his approved fidelity and love, it was
some allevation of her griefe, to ejaculate the same to him.
First, her Majesty required him to look wel in general,
upon the dispositions of all his Captaines, whereof, some
preferred by the Earle, might perhaps have hollow hearts
towardes her service, for as shee was pleased to pardon
those, who by his popular fashion and outward profession
of his sincerity had beene seduced, and blindly led by him ;
so shee was carefull to sever the chaff e from the corne,
and to deprive the malicious of meanes to prejudice her
356
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
service. Secondly, whereas the Secretary in his Lordships
name had moved her Majesty, that he might have warrant
to come over ; yet in regard the Spanish ships had not
yet passed the narrow seas into Flaunders (whether surely
they were sent, and nothing lesse then for Ireland, how-
soever the Traytor made use of like rumors) her Majesty
wished that hee would conceale this his desire for a time,
with promise to call him home the next winter, and use
his service neere her person.
The same time his Lordship received Letters from the
Lords in England, giving allowance in her Majesties
name, for the passing of Tirconnell to Neale Garve, upon
the above mentioned conditions ; yet advising that here-
after no Countrey should so absolutely bee passed, as all
the inhabitants should depend upon one man, which
would still kindle new flames of rebellion. By the same
Letters his Lordship understood, that the supplies of
money, victuals, and munitions, were ready according to
his demands. And their Lordships advised the plantation
of a garrison about Strangford, to prevent the assistance
which the Scots gave to the Rebels. The third of March
his Lordship rode ten miles to Bally Britton, Sir Henry
Warrens house in Leax, which was kept for the Queene
by a Constable and Warders. In the mid way we passed
by Phillipstowne (otherwise called Dyngen) a strong Fort
in Ophalia (otherwise called the Kings County) and that
day his Lordship sent out many parties of souldiers into
the woods, against Tirrell and the Oconnors, scatteredly
lurking in those parts.
Here his Lordship received from the Lords, directions
to descrie the silver mony, and to proclaime a new coine,
three ounces fine ; which base money was sent over, onely
to impoverish the Rebels (as was pretended) who made
warre against the Queene with her owne treasure ; but in
conclusion it was the undoing of all the Queenes servants
there, for no man cared to lay it up, and all things were
bought at excessive rates, after the exchange in England
once failed. This exchange was proclaimed to be held
357
A.D.
l600.
Letters from
the Lords in
England.
Directions to
proclaime a
new coine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
l600.
[ii. i. 9..]
The Lord
Deputy in
Meath.
The Bishop of
Meath.
at three Cities in England, and foure in Ireland ; but by
reason that great summes were coyned by Rebels and
strangers, and for other abuses of the same, as namely
of the Merchants, who notwithstanding that the money
was duly changed, did excessively raise all prices, this
exchange soone failed, and our hearts therewith : for we
served there in discomfort, and came home beggars, so
that onely the Treasurers and Paymasters, (who were
thereby infinitely inriched) had cause to blesse the Authors
of this invention.
The fourth of March his Lordship rode five miles to
Sir Edward Fitzgeralds house, scituate in Meath, in a
pleasant and fruitfull Countrey. The fifth of March we
rode ten miles to Moymeere, a very pleasant house,
belonging to Sir James Dillon, and thence the next day
two miles further to Trym. Sir Richard Moryson
Governour of Dundalke, had lately advertised his Lord-
ship, that Turlogh mac Henry, Tyrones brother, Captaine
of the Fewes, had taken his oath to him, before a Priest
and upon a Masse booke, that he would submit himselfe
to her Majesties mercy, without any conditions at or
before S* Patricks day next following. And further had
advertised that the Lord of Clancarvin humbly desired
to be received to mercy with him. For better ratifying
hereof, the said S r Richard Moryson now brought the
said Turlogh in person to his Lordship lying at Trim.
The fifteenth of March his Lordship drew to Arbrachin,
the Bishop of Meaths house, sixe miles distant, where his
Lordship had appointed the adjoining garrisons to meete
him the next day ; and presently after their arrivall, his
Lordship tooke horse towards evening, and thence we
marched all night, being very darke, and in the morning
suddenly fell into the Ferney, the possession whereof Ever
mac Cooly, one of the Mac Mahowns then usurped ;
and there we burnt the houses and spoiled the goods of
the Inhabitants, Sir Richard Moryson Governour of Dun-
dalke, with that Garrison, and Sir Oliver Lambert with
other troopes, and Captaine Thomas Williams with the
358
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
forces of Ardee comming in divers wayes, & meeting his
Lordship in that Countrey, with small or no resistance
made by the rebels, to either party. The nineteenth we
marched five miles to Ardee, the twentieth seven miles
to Mellifant, Sir Edward Mores house, the twenty one
two miles to Drogedagh, where his Lordship staied till
the sixteenth of Aprill, and so returned to Dublyn. At
Drogedagh his Lordship altered the list of the foot, the
horse standing still as before.
The Disposall of the foot into garrisons the 23
of March, 1600.
At the Newry under Sir Oliver S‘ Johns 750. At
Carlingford Captaine Hansard 100. At Mount Norreys
under Sir Samuell Bagnoll 450. At Dundalke under S r
Richard Moryson 400. At Arde a refreshing but no
standing garrison 350. At Luscanon 400. At Tullagh
350. At Wiclclo 250. At the Navan 300. At the
Nasse 100. In Westmeath 450. In Ophaly 200. In
Leax 300. At Athy 100. At Monastreven 300.
In Connaght.
Sir John Barkely Deputy Governor 200. The Lord
of Dunkellin now upon his fathers death Earle of Clan-
rickard 150. More under foure Captaines 500.
Foot in Galloway and Odoynes Countrey.
Three Captaines 400. Capt. Tho : Roper 1 50. At
Reban 150. In Ocarrols Country 100. In Kildare 150.
At Dublyn the Lord Deputies guard 200. At Carick-
fergus under Sir Arthur Chichester 550. Of new Com-
panies 1 150. being cast, and 50. made over to Loughfoyle
Garrison, remained 800. Of S r Charles Percies Company,
100 were made over to other Captaines, and 50 were
added to Loughfoyle garrison. These Companies to-
gether with the foot in Mounster & at Loughfoyle, do
make the new list of foot 13250.
359
A.D.
1600.
The disposal
of the foot into
garrisons.
A.D.
l600.
Her Majesties
charge in
Ireland.
[(I. i. 92.]
Mo tins ter.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Her Majesties charge in Ireland from the first of
Aprill in the beginning of the yeere 1600. to
the last of March in the beginning of the
yeere 1601.
Her Majesties allowances by establishment, and by her
letters for increase amount to two hundred seventy sixe
thousand nine hundred & foureteen li. nine s. foure d.
ob. qu. demy.
Hereof saved by the Lord Deputy his providence
fifteene thousand two hundred sixty two 1. sixe s. five d.
Saved also by Checks imposed on the Army, seventeene
thousand twenty nine pound sixteene s. nine d. ob.
So her Majesties charge for the Army this yeere, besides
munition and like extraordinaries, amounteth to two
hundred thirty foure thousand six hundred twenty two li.
five s. two d. qu. demy.
It remaines briefly to collect (out of the Lord Presidents
letters to the Lord Deputy), the services done in Mounster
the yeere 1600. now ended. About the sixteenth of
Apriil, in the beginning of the yeere 1600. Sir George
Carew Lord President of Mounster departing from
Kilkenny, where hee had beene some daies detained by
the Earle of Ormonds surprisall at a parley with the
rebels, came to Waterford. And Thomas Fitz-James
bastard sonne to James Fitzgerald late Lord of Decies,
chiefe rebell in the County of Waterford fearing present
prosecution, made sute to be received to her Majesties
mercy, which the Lord President granted, aswell to draw
from the titulary Earle of Desmond some part of his
strength, as to open the passage betweene Waterford and
Yoghall by land, formerly shut up, so as nothing could £
passe any way but by sea. The twenty three of Aprill
at Dungarven his Lordship received advertisement that
Florence mac Carty after many favours from the State, f (
being wholly hispaniolised had great power in Carbry
and Desmond, and according to his plot with Tyrone at
his being there, was entered into open action, (so they
360
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
terme rebellion). That Captaine Flower Sergeant Major
of Mounster, had hereupon entered Carbry with 1200
foot, and 100 horse, burning and spoiling the same, and
killing many rebels. That Florence had levied of the
Provincials and Bonnaghs (so they call waged souldiers)
2000 foot, yet never attempted the English, till in their
returne they came within five miles of Corke, where in a
fastnesse the midway betweene Corke and Kinsale, they
assailed the English, and were beaten by them, some 100.
of the Rebels being slaine, in which conflict Captaine
Flower had two horses slaine under him. The twenty
foure the Lord President came to Corke, where he
received the State of the Province by the relation of
Sir Henry Pore sole Commissioner for Mounster, (since
the killing of his partner Sir Warham S‘ Leger by Mac
Guire, likewise killed in the fight) and understood the
rebels to be strong and masters of the field, supplied with
all necessaries from the Townes through the perswasion
of Priests, and the covetousnesse of the Townesmen.
About this time Fitzgibbon called the White Knight,
either ill used by Tyrone at his being in Mounster, or
fearing prosecution, submitted himselfe to her Majesties
mercy. Likewise Florence mac Carty by perswasion of
friends, and upon safe conduct, came to the Lord Presi-
dent, and protested loialty to her Majesty, but refused
to give his sonne for pledge, lest his waged souldiers
should cast him out of his Countrey, till his Lordship
threatned to lay aside all other service sharpely to
prosecute him, whereupon he consented for his pledge,
but required to have the County of Desmond given to
him and his heires, with title of Mac Carty More, or
Earle of Clancar, with like high demands, which being
rejected, he desired leave to sue for these graces in
England, with promise not to serve against her Majesties
forces in the meane time, wherewith the Lord President
was satisfied, having no other end for the present, then
to make him stand neutrall, while the whole forces were
imploied against the titulary Earle of Desmond, James
361
a.d.
1600.
The Lord
President at
Corke.
Florence
mac Carty.
A.D.
l600.
[ii. i. 93 ]
The Lord
President
takes the field.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Fitzthomas, called the Suggon Earle by nickename. Now
one Dermod Oconnor, having no lands, yet by marriage
with the daughter of the old Earle of Desmond and his
great valour, had the leading of 1400. Bonnaghs. And
because the Lord President hoped to mine the rebels
one by another ; at this time by the wife of the said
Dermod and other Agents his Lordship plotted with him,
upon promise of great rewards to kill James the titulary
Earle of Desmond : And in like sort, one John Nugent
a rebell, upon promise of pardon and reward, did within
few daies undertake to kill John the said Earles brother.
About the beginning of May Redman Burke leading
500 Rebels, lost 120. of them while he adventured to take
a prey in Oduiers Countrey, and being nourished by the
Lord President, with hope to be Baron of Letrim, drew
his men out of Mounster into Ormond, with purpose to
leade them into Connaght : And Tyrrell leader of the
Northerne men, staied not long behind him, pretending
discontent against Dermod Oconnor, but indeed fearing
some plot against his head. It had beene long rumored
that the Lord President would take the field the sixth
of May, which made the rebels draw to a head and spend
their victuals, so as after ten dayes they were forced to
disperce themselves. The twentieth of May the Lord
President tooke the field, and marching towards Lym-
bricke, setled Warders in some Castles to secure the
passage thither from Kilmalloch. At Lymricke his Lord-
ship understood that John Nugent above named, being
ready (as he had undertaken) to kill John brother to the
titulary Earle of Desmond, was by accident hindered from
discharging his Pistoll, and being apprehended, was put
to death ; but as well John as the titulary Earle his
brother, were so terrified herewith, as they durst never
keep together, & thought themselves least secure in the
head of their owne men from like practises. The Lord
President marched into John Burkes Countrey, and spoyl-
ing the same, forced him to seeke her Majesties mercy on
his knees, which at last he obtained, though with difficulty.
362
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
His Lordship having gained here plenty of graine for the
Army, sent five hundred foot into Omulrians Countrey,
who spoiled the same, and killed many rebels. Then his
Lordship returned to Limricke without any losse, and in
the beginning of June divided the Army into garrisons
not far distant, which his Lordship did though the time
were fit for service, that he might attend the plot with
Dermod Oconnor for killing the titulary Earle of
Desmond, which could not well be done, except the rebels
were dispersed, who would keepe together as long as the
English Army was in the field. Besides, his Lordship
upon their breaking, tooke advantage to settle a garrison
at Asketon without any resistance. Dermod O Connor
tooke the titulary Earle prisoner in the name of Oneale,
pretending by a forged letter that he had plotted his
death with the Lord President, & presently sent his wife
for the money promised in reward, wishing the Lord
President to draw his forces to Kilmalloch, where he
would deliver him the prisoner, which his Lordship did
accordingly the sixteenth of June, but the rebels having
notice hereof, drew together foure thousand in number,
stopped the passages, set the titulary Earle at liberty, and
besieged Dermod O Connor in a Castle, till the Lord
President marching thither the 29 of June, forced them
to leave the siege. His Lordship kept the field, tooke
the chiefe Castle of the Knight of the vally, wherein were
slaine threescore warders, tooke other Castles, and did
many good services, the rebels in great number lying
neere him, but never offering to fight, by reason of the
jelousies betweene them, whereupon 2500. Connaght men
were sutors to his Lordship to returne home without
impediment from his forces. At this time Oconnor Kerry
yeelded his Castle to the Queene, and was received to
mercy, and the Lord President at last granted a passe to
the Rebels of Connaght, but the Lord Burke not knowing
thereof, for a privat revenge, set upon them as they
marched home, and slew threescore of them, besides many
drowned. The sixteenth of July the Lord President
363
A.D.
1600.
Plot to kill the
Earle of
Desmond.
Dermod
0 Connor
besieged.
A.D.
l600.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Sir Charles
Wilmot
Governour of
Kerry.
[II. i. 9+.]
James
Fitzgerald
released.
bestowed the Army in garrisons: The 23. of July his
Lordship tooke the field againe, to releeve the men he
had formerly sent into Kerry, and marching thither, took
Lixnaw the chiefe house of the Lord Fitz Morrice, and
many other Castles, for griefe whereof the said Lord died,
yet leaving a sonne then as dangerous as himselfe. The
Lord President returned to Cork about the eighteenth
of August, leaving Sir Charles Wilmot Governour of
Kerry, a valiant Gentleman, a chiefe Commander under
him, and in the first ranke of those instruments he used
in all services, who in short time brought most of the
freeholders of Kerry to due subjection, and drove the
titulary Desmond out of those parts. All the garrisons
in time of harvest, gathered as much corne as they could,
and destroied the rest, which made the rebels not able
to subsist the yeere following. Sir George Thornton
hearing that the titulary Earle of Desmond passed neere
Kilmalloch sent the garrison out, and Captain Greame
charging them with his troope of horse, killed 120. of
them, in which conflict the English got 300. garons laden
with baggage, 150 pikes and peeces with other weapons,
and 40. horse, but the English had 16. horses killed in
the fight. The titulary Earle of Desmond, could never
after draw 100. men together, & was forced to flie into
Tipperary with his brother John, Pierce Lacy an Arch-
rebel, & the Knight of the Glin, whence his brother John
hasted into Ulster for reliefe from Tirone. And in the
end of this Summer upon the departure of the Bonnaghs
of Connaght and Ulster, & the good successe of the
English, many of the Provincials submitted themselves,
yet sent to Rome for dispensation of their so doing.
About the middest of October James Fitzgerald (who
had long been imprisoned in the Tower of London, being
the next & true heire to the last Earle of Desmond,
and released by the Queene with title of Earle by
letters Pattents sent to the Lord President, and promise
of a good proportion of land to support his dignity at
the end of the warre, according to his deserts in her
364
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Majesties service, and in the meane time to live upon
pay in the Army) landed at Yoghal, and the eighteenth
day came to the Lord President at Mallogh, and was
industrious in the Queenes service. Dermod O Connor
being in Connaght, and hearing of the young Earle of
Desmonds arrivall, upon promise of great services had
the Lord Presidents protection to come unto him, but
was set upon by Tybot ne long, his men defeated, he taken
and hanged, whereupon Tibot having then a Company
in her Majesties pay was cashered. Florence mac Carty
having all this while practised underhand many things
against the State, and putting still off his appearance by
delatory excuses, at last in October by the desperatenesse
of his estate was forced to submit, and obtained pardon
upon pledges of his loyaltie. The titularie Earle of
Desmond stealing backe into Mounster lived as a Wood-
kerne, never having more then two or three in his
Company.
In November, Sir Charles Wilmot took the last and
only Castle the Lord Mac Morice had in Kerry, & his
eldest sonne therin (betraied by a Priest for safetie of
his life) and great provisions laid up in that Castle. In
these two last moneths Sir Richard Percy lying in Garrison
at Kinsale, twice passed into the Country, and tooke
preyes of five hundred Cowes, killing many rebels. In
December the Lord President had notice where the
titulary Earle lurked, and sent men to surprise him : but
he escaped in such haste, as hee left his shooes behind
him. And now there was not a Castle in Mounster held
for the rebels, nor any company of ten rebels together,
though there wanted not loose vagabonds dispersed in
all corners, so as his Lordship had leisure to looke into
the Corporate Townes, being aiders, abetters, and pro-
curers under hand of this rebellion, all the Queenes
treasure being spent in them by the souldiers, and they
underhand supplying the rebels with all necessaries,
though at excessive rates. The rebels fled out of
Mounster into Tiperarie and Ormond, had hitherto lived
365
A.D.
l600.
Dermod
O Connor
taken and
hanged.
The rebels
Mounster
subdued.
A.D.
l600.
4000 , pardons
granted in
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
there among the Bullers being subjects, without any
disturbance, the rather for the Earle of Ormonds mourn-
ing for the death of his most worthy and vertuous Lady :
but in January his Lordship sent some forces against
them, who killed many, and forced the rest to flie, whereof
some were drowned passing the waters then very high,
and some chiefe rebels were taken and hanged at Kilkenny.
About the end of January, the Lord President sent 1000
foote of the Mounster List, to be disposed by the Lord
Deputie, as he had direction to doe. His Lordship to
settle the Country the better, refused to renew any pro-
tections, so as all were forced to sue their pardons, and
in two moneths space before the end of Februarie, upon
his Lordships recommendation, more then foure thousand
Mounster men had their pardons, granted by the Lord
Deputie, and passed under the great Seale.
366
THE SECOND BOOKE
Chap. I.
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in
the prosecution of the Rebels, and of the
Spaniards invading Ireland, in the yeere
1601.
Hile the Lord Deputy lay at Drogheda
(namely, from the one and twentie of
March, till the sixteene of Aprill, upon
which day he returned to Dublin), his
Lordship assembled the Counsellers of
State to attend him there. And upon the
eight and twentie of March 1601, the
Lord Deputie and Counsell wrote from Drogheda
(vulgarly called Tredagh) their joynt letters to the Lords
in England, whereby they advertised, that the Lord
Deputie having spent the greatest part of Winter in
the Irish Countries of Lemster, had by burning their
Corne, consuming their cattel, and killing many of them,
so scattered their maine strength, as certaine of the chiefe
had since submitted to the Queenes mercy, and the rest
were severed into small companies, and unlike to draw
to any dangerous head ; yea, Tirrel, in opinion the
greatest among them (taken for Tyrones Lieutenant in
Lemster), being forced out of his greatest fastnesse, now
with a few base Kerne following him, was driven to
wander in Woods and Boggs, seeking to escape into the
North (as shortly after he did, notwithstanding that
3 6 7
[II. ii. 95.]
Letters to the
Lords in
England.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
l 60 I.
The
Counsellors
called to
Tredagh.
certaine English Companies were left to hunt him in his
walkes, and to stop his passage.) That his Lordship
desirous to be at hand, to watch all opportunities of service
upon the Northerne borders, had pierced into the Fearny,
and that Sir Richard Moryson Governour of Dundalk
with his Garrison had formerly wasted, and now passed
through the Fewes, and met his Lordship there, so as
both these Countries being spoiled, Ever Mac Cooly
chiefe of the Fearny, and Turlogh Mac Henry, Captaine
of the Fewes, had both been humble suters for her
Majesties mercie, and were commanded to appeare
shortly, and make their humble submissions : which
course likewise the septs of the Brenny were like to take,
for many of them chastised by the Army, and utterly
discouraged, had alreadie divers times offered most
humble submissions. That his Lordship hereupon had
called the Counsellors to Tredagh, there to consider of
the circumstances and conditions, to be observed in taking
these submissions, as also to deliberate how the Army
might be imployed most to vex Tyrone, til the Summer
came on, at which time his Lordship purposed to dwell
upon him, and put him to triall of his uttermost fortune.
That it was resolved in Counsell to accept the submissions
of the Chiefe of Fearny, and the Captaine of the Fewes,
above named, as likewise of the septs of the Brennye
(these three Countries being an hedge betweene the
English Pale, and the North, and yeelding many com-
modities to passe into Tirone with her Majesties forces.
That it was resolved to send Mac Guyer into Fermanagh
with 200 men to helpe him for a time, against the rebel
Mac Guyer (whom he and his sonne had already much
impoverished), for hee was thought a fit instrument (in
case he prevailed), as well to intangle Tyrone and infest
Ororke, as to helpe the Plantation at Ballishannon,
intended to be put in execution about June following,
when forage could be had for horses.
They further solicited by these letters for supplies of
victuals, munition and mony, and that the victuals and
368
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
munition should be addressed some part to Dublin and
Tredagh, but the greatest part to Galloway, being [II. ii. 96.]
intended for the forces to be planted at Ballishannon, and
those to invade Tyrone that way ; and the rest to Carling-
ford, intended for the forces to invade Tyrone by the way
of the Newry, which invasion was purposed about the
middest of June, when forrage might be had for the horse,
and this they prayed, because the unshipping and reship-
ping of the victuals at Dublin, caused great expence of
mony, and waste of the victuals.
Tirlogh Mac Henry Captaine of the Fewes, and Ever The chiefes of
Mac Cooly, of the Family of the mac Mahownes, chiefe
of the Fearny, did about this time declare themselves to
be subjects, and humbly made their submissions on their
knees, signing certaine articles of subjection under their
hands, and putting in pledges for performance thereof.
And the said Ever in particular confessed in the Articles
under his hand, that hee was not Lord, but Farmer of the
Fearnye, binding himselfe to pay her Majestie his old
rent. The one and thirty of March 1601, her Majestie An. 1601.
signed the following Establishment.
Officers Generali.
The Lord Deputy for his diet one hundred li. per The
mensem : a Band of Horse three li. foure s. per diem : Establishment
fifty foot each at eight d. per diem : for allowance in lieu °f the Arm D'
of cesse, ten li. per annum, besides his Companies of horse
and foote in the Army. In all per diem twelve li. six s.
sixe d. ob. qu. per annum, foure thousand foure hundred
fortie foure li. seventeene s. one d. ob. qu.
The Lieutenant of the Army, three li. per diem ; one
thousand fourescore fifteene pound per annum.
The Treasurer at warres, thirtie five s. per diem; sixe
hundred thirty eight li. fifteene shillings per annum.
The Marshall besides his thirty horse at twelve d. per
diem without checque in the Army, five s. nine d. per
diem ; one hundred foure li. eighteene s. nine d. per
annum.
2 A
M. II
369
A.D.
1601.
The
Establishment
of the Army.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The Serjeant Major of the Army, twenty s. per diem ;
three hundred sixtie five li. per annum.
The Master of the Ordinance, twenty sixe s. eleven d.
per diem ; foure hundred ninetie one li. foure s. seven d.
per annum.
Ministers of the Ordinance, twenty five s. two d. per
diem ; foure hundred fiftie nine li. five s. ten d. per
annum.
Muster-master Generali, eleven s. sixe d. per diem ; two
hundred nine li. seventeene s. sixe d. per annum.
Comptroler of the victuals, ten s. per diem ; one
hundred eighty two li. ten s. per annum.
Five Commissaries of victuals, one at eight s., and
foure, each at sixe s. per diem, thirtie two s. per diem ;
five hundred eightie foure li. per annum.
Fourteene Colonels, each at tenne s. per diem, seven li.
per diem ; two thousand five hundred fifty five li. per
annum.
Scout-master, besides sixe horse, each at twelve d. per
diem, part of the Army, sixe s. eight d. per diem ; one
hundred twenty one li. thirteene s. foure d. per annum.
Provost Marshall of the Army for himselfe and foure
horsemen, foure s. three d. per diem, seventy seven li.
eleven s. three d. per annum.
Officers Provinciall.
President of Mounster at one hundred thirty three li.
sixe s. eight d. per annum ; his diet and the Counsels at
ten li. the weeke ; his retinue of thirtie horse and twentie
foote at thirty s. seven d. ob. per diem ; three li. sixe s.
sixe d. per diem ; one thousand two hundred thirteene li.
thirteene s. foure d. qu. per annum.
Provost Marshall in Mounster, fourteene s. per diem ;
two hundred fiftie five li. ten s. per annum.
The Commander of the forces in Connaght at ten s.
per diem, with an increase of one hundred li. per annum ;
fifteene s. five d. ob. qu. per diem ; two hundred eightie
two li. ten s. per annum.
37 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Provost Marshall in Connaght, besides twelve
horsemen of the Army, five s. seven d. ob. per
diem ; one hundred two li. foureteene s. one d. ob.
per annum.
Commander of the forces at Loughfoyle, besides his pay
of ten s. per diem as Colonel, hath three s. foure d. per
diem ; sixty li. sixteene s. eight d. per annum.
Provost Marshall there, foure s. per diem ; seventy
three li. per annum.
Provost Marshall of Ballishannon, foure s. per diem ;
seventy three li. per annum.
Lieutenant of the Queenes County, sixe s. eight d. per
diem ; one hundred twentie one li. thirteene s. foure d.
per annum.
Provost Marshall in Lemster for himselfe and sixe
horsemen, five s. seven d. ob. per diem ; one hundred
two li. fourteene s. one d. ob. per annum.
Warders in Lemster per annum, one thousand three
hundred ten li. nineteene s. two pence.
Warders in Ulster per annum, eight hundred twentie
one li. five s.
Warders in Mounster per annum, five hundred forty
two li. eighteene s. nine d.
Warders in Connaght per annum, two hundred li.
Twelve hundred horsemen distributed into foure and
twenty Bands, the Captaine foure s., the Lieutenant two s.
sixe pence, the Cornet two s. per diem, and three hundred
horsemen, each at eighteene d. per diem, on condition they
be English both horse and men, or else to have but
twelve d. per diem. And 200 horsemen at fifteene d. per
diem, and seven hundred horsemen at twelve d. per diem.
Per annum twenty nine thousand two hundred seventie
three li.
Fourteene thousand footmen, distributed into one
hundred forty Bands, the Captaine foure s. Lieutenant
two s. Ensigne eighteene d. the day, two Serjeants, a
Drum, and a Surgion, each at twelve d. a piece per diem,
& each souldier at eight d. per diem. Per annum one
37i
A.D.
l 60 I.
[IL ii. 97.]
The
Establishment
of the A s- my.
A.D.
1601.
The
Establishment
of the Army.
Captain e
Josias Bodley
and Captaine
Edward
Blany.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
hundred ninety nine thousand seven hundred fifteene li.
sixteene s. eight d.
Pensioners in the Muster-booke, per annum one
thousand eight hundred nine li. fifteene s. ten d.
Pensioners by letters Patents per annum eight hundred
seventy foure li. five s. nine pence, ob.
Thirteene Almesmen per annum eightie eight li. nine-
teene s. foure d. ob.
Officers of the Musters which are payable out of the
checkes, namely one Muster-Master at sixe s. eight d. a
Comptroller at ten s. and twenty Commissaries, each at
three s. foure d. per diem. Per annum one thousand five
hundred twenty li. sixteene s. eight d.
Extraordinarie allowance for Messengers, Espials, Post-
barkes, rewards of services &c. per annum, sixe thousand li.
Totall of this Establishment per annum two hundred
fifty five thousand seven hundred seventy three li. four-
teene d. qu. denny.
Memorandum, that the dead paies allowed to the
Captaines in each Company of horse or foote, are herein
contained, but the charge of munition, of levying horse
and foote for reinforcing the Army, with many like
charges, are not herein contained.
The sixth of Aprill 1601, his Lordship received
advertisement from Captaine Josias Bodley, at the Newry,
that he, and Captaine Edward Blany, Governour of the
Forte of Mount-Norreys, purposing to surprise Logh-
rorcan, could not carrie a boat, which they had provided
to that purpose, but he carrying certaine fireworkes pro-
vided in case the boat should fade, went to the Fort,
and joyning with Captaine Blany, marched towards that
Hand, where they arrived by eight of the clocke in the
morning, and leaving their forces behind a Wood, they
both went together to discover the Hand ; which
done Captaine Bodley made readie thirtie arrowes
with wildfier, and so they both fell downe with
one hundred shot close to the water, where the shot play-
ing incessantly upon the Hand, while the other delivered
372
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
their arrowes, suddenly the houses fired, and burnt so
vehemently, as the rebels lodging there, forsooke the
Hand, and swumme to the further shoare. That after
they saw all burnt to the ground, they fired a great house
upon their side of the shoare, and killed there sixe Kerne,
(gaining their Armes) besides Churles and Calliachs, and
after the burning of other houses also, they brought away
some Cowes and Sheepe, with other pillage ; and they
understood by a prisoner, that there were about thirty
persons in the Hand, whereof onely eight swumme away,
(of which foure were shot in the water), so as the rest
either were killed or lay hurt in the Hand. Likewise they
understood by the said prisoner, that great store of butter,
corne, meale, and powder, was burnt and spoiled in the
Hand, which all the rebels of that Countrey made their
magasine. Further, that some forty kerne skirmished
with them at places of advantage, in their retreat for two
miles march : but howsoever the common opinion was,
that the Rebels sustained great losse by this service, yet
of the English onely two were slaine and seven hurt.
The seventh of Aprill Sir Henry Dockwra Governour
of Loughfoyle wrote to his Lordship, that he had taken
the submission of Hugh Boy, of whose service to her
Majesty, he was confident to make manifold good uses,
as well for the present setling Sir John Odogherties
Countrey after his late death, as for revealing the Rebels
secret counsels wel knowne to him. Among which, he
confidently avowed that the King of Spaine had promised
to invade Ireland this yeere, with six thousand men, &
to land at some Towne in Munster, (swearing that three
of the chief Cities had promised to receive them :) Adding
that Florence Mac Carty had written to Odonnel, that he
had submitted to the Queene onely upon necessity, and
that upon the Spaniards comming hee would joyne with
them. This Governour further advertised that Phelim
Oge, chiefe of a contrary faction in Odogherties country,
desired to make his humble submission to the Queenes
mercy upon these conditions : to leave of the name of
373
A.D.
1601.
The rebels
surprised.
[II. ii. 98.]
Sir Henry
Dockwra' s
letter to the
Lord Deputy.
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Submission Oj
Sir Oghy
Ohanlon.
Articles of
submission.
Odogherty, and obey any man, to whom her Majesty
should give that Countrey. To pay all debts his men
did owe to any subjects. To discharge his souldiers.
To returne to the owners twelve hundred Beeves hee had
cut for Odonnell. To make satisfaction for a Barke
comming to the Liffer, which his people had taken and
spoiled : And to yeeld up to him the Governor all the
cattle should be found in his Countrey belonging to
Odonnell. Adding, that Sir John Bolles in a journey
made upon Ocane, had killed fifty of his people, had
burned many houses and much corne. And that the
garrison of the Liffer had spoiled Tirconnel, had slaine
many, & had brought away two hundred Cowes, and
great booties.
The tenth of April Sir Oghy Ohanlon, a northerne Lord
submitted himselfe on his knees to her Majesties mercy
at Tredagh, and signed certaine Articles, for the per-
formance whereof hee tooke his oath. And because these
Articles (except there fell out some speciall reason to leave
out some of them, and to adde others) were the same to
which all submitties at this time were tied, I will once
for all adde the briefe of them.
After his acknowledgement that Queene Elizabeth, by
the Grace of God, Queene of England, France, and
Ireland, &c. Is the true absolute and Soveraigne Lady
of this realme of Ireland, and of every part, & of all the
people thereof, with humble confession of his former
disloyaltie, and of his penitency, and like profession that
he had felt the waight of her Majesties power. This
done, further to the example of all other offenders, he
testified that hee made this his humble submission and
protestation of his penitency, his future loyalty and
indevour to redeeme his faults by his good services.
Then he acknowledged under his hand, that now before
the Lord Deputy and Counsell, he taketh a corporall and
religious oath for all and severall Articles following;
Namely, That he will ever continue a loyall subject.
That for performance thereof, and of all the following
374
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
Articles, he will put in sufficient pledges. That hee doth
renounce all manner of obedience to any forraine power
or Potentate, depending only on the Queene his Sove-
raigne. That hee renounceth all Rebels, and will not aide
them, but serve against them when he is commanded.
That hee will to the uttermost of his power withstand
and confound any disloyal subject, or forraine enemy
attempting against the sacred person, or estate of her
Majesty, or the quietnes of her faithfull subjects, more
especially, against the Arch- tray tor Tyrone, and the King
of Spaine supporting him. That hee will come to the
State whensoever hee is commanded, neither will upon
wrongs seeke to right himselfe, but will seeke redresse
by course of Law. That he will reveale all conspiracies [n. ii, 99.]
of treason which hee shall heare. That he will sue out
her Majesties pardon within certaine dayes, for him and
his followers, and answer for their good behaviour. That
hee will booke these followers within certaine dayes.
That he will suffer all subjects safely to trade in his
Countrey. That hee will extort no blacke Rents, or make
other exactions on his people, but by due course of a
subject. For sincere performance hereof, he testified that
he had taken his corporall oath, upon his knees, before Q ath t0 ^
the Lord Deputy and Councell, (the same oath being taken upon the
solemnly ministred to him, and taken by him in the said knees.
assembly) and did againe vow the same upon his salva-
tion, religiously professing, that if he should break those
Articles or any of them, he would acknowledge himselfe
not onely to be worthy of all infamy and extreame punish-
ment ; but ever after to bee most unworthy to beare the
name of a Christian, or to injoy the society of men, to
which, as hee had unfainedly sworne, so now in witnesse
thereof, he did in this written forme of submission set
to his hand, with addition of the day of the moneth, and
of the yeere when this act was done by him.
The sixteenth of Aprill, the Governour of Loughfoyle
by his letters intreated, that a pardon might be passed to
Hugh Boy (which businesse the bearer had undertaken
3 75
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
S. Georges
feast kept at
Dublin.
The rebels
awed.
to solicite) and that Neale Garve, to whom the Queene
had granted Odonnels Countrey, might be sent backe from
Dublin, because the Irish were confident, that upon his
arrivall all the people of Tirconnell would flocke unto
him. Further advertising, that the garrison of the Liffer
had burnt the New-towne, and killed twelve kerne and
thirty eight of other people, and had brought backe some
three hundred Cowes. And that the garrison of Donne-
gall, had burnt in Ocanes Countrey a great village, and
many women, children, and Cowes, with the houses, and
had killed some forty kerne and churles.
The three & twenty of Aprill, his Lordship kept
S. Georges feast, at Dublin, with solemne pompe, the
Captains bringing up his meat, & some of the Colonels
attending on his person at Table. To which feast the
Rebels were invited, whom his Lordship lately received
to mercy, under her Majesties protection, till their pardons
might be signed, namely Turlogh Mac Henry, Captain of
the Fewes, Ever Mac Cooly, chiefe of the Fearney,
Ohanlon a Lord of Ulster, Phelim Mac Feagh, chief of
the Obyrnes, & Donnell Spaniagh, chiefe of the Cavanaghs
in Lemster. These were entertained with plenty of wine,
and all kindnesse, his Lordship assuring them, that as he
had bin a scourge to them in rebellion, so he would now
be a mediator for them to her Majesty, in their state of
subjects, they standing firme and constant to their
obedience. And no doubt, as there is a secret mystery
of State in these solemne pomps ; and as his Lordship
therein, for his person and carriage, was most comely, and
(if I may use the word) Majesticall ; so the magnificence
of this feast wrought in the hearts of those Rebels, and
by their relation in the hearts of others after submitting,
(both having first experienced the sharpenesse of the
Queenes sword,) such an awfull respect to her Majesty,
and such feare tempred with love to his Lordship, as much
availed to containe them in due obedience.
From the end of March to the beginning of May,
upon the Lord Presidents intercession by letters to the
376
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Lord Deputy, many pardons were granted for life, land,
and goods, to Chiefetai'nes of Countries, and Gentlemen
in Mounster ; namely, to Mac Carty Reough, Chieftain
of Carbery, and two hundred & ten followers, as well men,
as women and children : to Oswyllivan Beare, and some
five hundred twenty eight followers, as also to Oswyllivan
Brantry : to John Odoyre of Tiperary, and some one
hundred fifty followers : to Fitz James Gerrald, with some
three hundred seventy followers: and to Teig Mac
Moreretagh Obrian, in the County of Lymrick, with some
two hundred twenty one followers ; and some others,
which for brevity I omit. And it was concluded at the
Councell Table, on the last of Aprill, that the two follow-
ing provisoes, should bee inserted in all pardons, (and
charge was accordingly given to the Queenes learned
Counsell, and to the Officers, and to his Lordships
Secretaries, whose hands al pardons passed, that the said
Provisoes should be continually inserted) namely : First,
in regard some notorious Rebels of the Pale might passe
as followers to remote Lords, that the pardon be not
available to any, but to the naturall inhabitants, tenants,
and knowne followers of the Lord so pardoned. Secondly,
in regard many Rebels taken, and to be judged according
to the Law, might by oversight bee pardoned, proviso was
to be entred, that no pardon should availe any, who were
already in prison, or upon bayle.
The second of May, his Lordship wrote to the Lords
in England, that Mounster was not only wel reduced,
but began to taste the sweetnes of peace : that the like
might be said of Lemster, except the Mores and Conners,
who were scattered, & had sought, but could not obtain
of him the Queens mercy. That the Northern borders
of Ulster were assured, namely ; Ohanlons Country, the
Fewes, Clancarvill, the Ferney, most of the Galloglasses,
and many of the Mac Mahownes, and that a garrison was
planted in the Brenny, and the Queenes Mac Gwyer setled
in Fermanagh. That Sir Henry Dockwra at Loughfoyle,
and Sir Arthur Chichester at Carickefergus (commonly
A.D.
1601.
Matty pardons
granted.
[II. ii. ioo.]
The sweetnes
of peace in
Mounster and
Lemster.
377
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON'S ITINERARY
Connaght most
out of order.
No supplies
desired.
called Knockefergus) had made their neighbours sure to
the State, and both had done her Majesty excellent service.
That onely Connaght, most easily to be reduced, was most
out of order. That for this reason hee thought fit to
plant Ballishannon garrison through Connaght, which
might be reduced with the very passing of the Army ;
and therefore had perswaded the Magazin of victuals at
Galloway, specially since from those parts his Lordship
might easily joine with the Lord-President, in case Spaine
should invade Mounster. That in the meane time his
Lordship would draw one thousand foot out of Mounster,
to serve in Ulster, and for a time borrow thence five
hundred Foot and fifty Horse for Connaght journey, the
forces remaining being sufficient to guard Mounster, and
greater then he had left in Lemster, in the peace whereof
he might seeme to have more proper interest. But if
Spaine should invade Mounster, then all the Army was to
be drawne thither, and great supplies sent out of England,
since the defection of the Irish was like to be great, even
of those who yet had never declared any malice against
the State : yet that his Lordship desired presently no
supplies, in regard of her Majesties excessive charge, in
levying and transporting them, trusting that by the Rebels
forces diminished, occasion would be given to cast some
of the Army, with which cast Companies the defects of
the standing might be supplied, wherein his Lordship
promised to proceed without preferring such, as even
with their blood shed in his fight deserved advancement,
or satisfying some worthy Commanders, (whose enter-
tainement he had rather lessened) or pleasuring those, who
might justly challenge preferment from him. Therefore
praying, that her Majesty would not command him to
bestow new Companies (as of late shee had done) upon
such as of late had beene absent, and had onely served
at the loosing of the Kingdome, so as they were least
fit to be preferred before those who had hazarded their
lives in regaining it : Adding, that he writ not this, to
uphold any private dependency on himselfe, esteeming it
378
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
a great vanity so to doe, but onely to strengthen himselfe,
so long and no longer then he should be imploied in her
Majesties service. That in stead of new supplies, he
desired leave to entertaine some of the Irish Submitties in
pay, by them to consume the Rebels, and by the Rebels
to diminish their number, since two things remained to
settle the Kingdome. First the ridding Ireland of the
Swordmen, (to which end the Irish affected some journey
into the Low Countries or the Indies, which could not
make them any whit more able Souldiers then now they
were, nor adde to their knowledge of warre fit for Ireland,
which they now had ; but three parts of foure were like
never to returne, if they were ingaged in such a voyage).
Secondly, the making of the English owners fit to inhabit
their lands, which was most difficult, in regard of their
poverty, and of the great quantities of lands they
possessed, since in particular of some gentlemen of Leax
and Ophalia, each possessed as much land, as being well
inhabited, would maintaine more men then all the Rebels
of those Counties were in number.
About the tenth of May his Lordship gave warrant to
passe the pardon of Phelim mac Feogh Obyrn, of the
Glinnes, with his followers, and likewise of Phelim mac
Feogh O Toole of the Fartrey, with fifty six followers.
And upon the humble submission of Rosse mac Mahowne,
his Lordship granted him her Majesties protection, till he
might sue out his pardon.
About this time his Lordship had advertisement from
Sir Henry Dockwra Governour at Loughfoyle : That he
had taken in Odogherties Countrey, and secured the
passages into it, as well against Odonnell, as the false
Inhabitants. That he having gathered the forces to spoile
Hugh mac Hugh Duffes Countrey, the project was
frustrated by an Irishman stealing from the Army, and
given them intelligence hereof, so as they drove the prey
farre off into remote parts. That Neale Garve with
Cormocke O Neale, dispatched lately from Dublin, were
arrived at Loughfoyle. That he the said Governour
379
Two things
retnaine to
settle Ireland.
[II. ii. i o i .]
Sir Henry
Dockwra’ s
advertisement.
A.n.
1601.
Hugh Duffes
Countrey.
Neale Carve' s
loyaltie.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
deferring the prosecution of Ocane, because he had no
Haven in his Countrey for the landing of Spaniards, nor
could escape from the English forces, though Spaniards
should land, the same time resolved to enter Hugh mac
Hugh Duffes Countrey, as more fit to receive forraigne
forces, and to supply them with victuals or other
necessaries. And to this end that he had assembled the
forces to the Liffer. That Shane mac Manus Oge
Odonnell, commanding certaine Hands in the Sea, did
there offer to submit, but upon such conditions as were
unfit, yet the Irish extolling his valour, and intreating for
him, and Neale Garve for the time being content to spare
him of the men allowed him, fifty foot and twenty five
horse, that he the Governour had further promised him,
upon acceptable service, to procure him as many more
men in her Majesties pay, whereupon he had taken his
oath of obedience, and had secretly sent word to his people
to spoyle Rory Odonnels Countrey ; (who then had him
in no suspition). This done, that he the Governour
suddenly entered Hugh Duffes Countrey aforesaid, and
spoyled the same, taking a prey of more then one
thousand Cowes, with great numbers of Garrons, Sheepe,
and Goates. That thence he marched into Fanaght, where
Owen Oge mac Swinedoe, Lord of the Doe, met him
on the borders, and delivering the chiefe pledges of his
Countrey for his and their loyalty, tooke his oath of
obedience to her Majestie. That hearing of Odonnels
drawing into those parts, he thence retired with great part
of the forces, leaving Neale Garve with his Irish and some
English Companies for his assistance, to spoyle and abso-
lutely waste Fannaght, to whom Mac Swine Fannaght Lord
of the Countrey, presently delivered pledges of his loyalty,
taking his oath of obedience to her Majestie, at which
time likewise Mac Swine Bone, and O Boyle, earnestly
solicited the Governour to be received to mercy. That
Neale Garve by the keeping of Tirconnell granted him
at Dublyn for the time, till her Majesty might please to
passe the same to him by Letters Pattents, and by great
380
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
gifts he had there received, was puffed up with pride,
desiring present possession of the Countrey, and calling
the people his subjects, and saying to the Governours face,
that he would punish, exact, cut, & hange them, as he
list. But that he had calmed him with severe speeches,
& with charge not to meddle with any man, or any part
of the Countrey upon his alleagiance, since he had no
right but from her Majesties bounty, not yet fully
expressed, and that not soveraigne, but limitted, so as
might best stand with the peoples good, who were not
his but her Majesties subjects. That he found him to Neale Garve’s
be in his nature proud, valiant, miserable, tyrannous, nature -
unmeasurably covetous, without any knowledge of God,
or almost any civility, good to be used while he was
satisfied, (which he could hardly bee, being like a Quince,
requiring great cost ere it be good to eat), or whilst he
was kept under (which was the fitter course to be held
with him), yet that he thought him sure to the State,
in regard of the pledges he had given, but much more,
because he could no way better his estate by leaving the
Queenes service, nor be secure of any word from
Odonnell, whose brother he had killed. That Cormacke Cormacke
O Neale, being of late come from Dublyn, could hitherto 0 Nealf -
have done no service, but that he was of reasonable
esteeme among the people of his Countrey, and was of a
mild honest disposition, willing to serve without grating
beggery, or unreasonable demands, yet was Irish and little
lesse barberous then the better sort of wood kern. That
comming out of the woods without friend or kinseman,
he could then give no pledges, but his wife and children
were since come to him, and within the Governours
power, besides that he seemed not to be inclined to
trechery, neither could mend his estate by leaving the
Queenes service, to which he came in voluntarily, without [II. ii. 102.]
calling, forcing, or composition, and therein remained with
his desires limitted, and to be contented with reason.
That Hugh Boy, was subtill, wise, civil, a Papist, and
aliened (but not deeply malicious) against Odonnels
381
A.D.
1601.
Hugh Boy.
Proclamation
of new monies.
3 °°-
Proclamations
to be
published.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
person, yet firme in his allegiance, having come in with
his Countrey, and delivered his chiefe pledges, offering
any other to be delivered upon command ; and having
shewed the passages into his Countrey, and himselfe
sollicited and furthered the fortifying thereof, daily giving
sure and important intelligences, to the great furtherance
of the service ; besides that, all his wealth lay within the
power of the Queenes forces. Lastly, that betweene these
submitties were factions and heart-burnings, which
discreetly measured, could not but advantage the service.
The fifteenth of May the Lord Deputy received (by the
hands of Sir George Cary, Treasurer at warres) a
Proclamation (signed by the Queene) to be published, for
making the new standard of mixed monies to be onely
currant in this Kingdome, all other coyns being to be
brought in to the Treasurer. And likewise a letter from
the Queene, requiring the Lord Deputy and Counsell to
further the due execution of the contents of this Proclama-
tion, and by some plausible graces, done in generall to
the subject, (in the establishing an exchange of this coyne
into sterling money of England, & taking away the
impositions on sea coles transported into Ireland, and in
particular to the Captaines of the Army, in allowing their
dead paies in mony, after the rate of eight pence per
diem, and some like favours), inviting all to swallow this
bitter pill, which impoverished not only the Rebels, but
her Majesties best servants in this Kingdome, onely
inriching her Paymasters, sitting quietly at home, while
others adventured daily their bloods in the service.
The twentieth of May the Lord Deputy and Counsell
advertised the Lords in England, that they had given
order to print 300. of the Proclamations for the new
coyne, to be published through all parts of Ireland at one
time. That they had in Counsell agreed upon a generall
hoasting for this yeere, to beginne the last of June follow-
ing. And in the meane time, while that was preparing,
that the Lord Deputy would draw the forces to Dundalke
upon the Northerne borders, there to watch opportunities
382
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
of service, and specially by his presence to animate the
new submitties, to attempt some thing against the Arch-
tray tor Tyrone, and to put them in blood against him and
his confederates. And that his Lordship towards the time
of the said hoasting, purposed to returne to Dublyn, and
to the end he might find there all things in readines for
his intended prosecution of Tyrone in his owne Countrey,
they besought their Lordships that victuals and munition
might with all possible speed be sent thither out of
England. The foresaid generall hoasting is a rising out
of certaine foot and horse, found by the subject of the
five English shires and the Irish Submitties, to assist the
Queenes forces, and these, together with some of the
English Companies, his Lordship used to lay in the Pale,
for the defence thereof, at such time as the forces were to
be drawne into Ulster.
The rising out of the five English Shires and the
Irish Submitties. Vizt. Of the County of
Dublyn. Besides sixteene Kearne.
Horse.
Archers
Horse.
In the Barrony of Balrothery.
In that of Cowlocke,
In that of Newcastle,
In that of Castleknocke.
In that of Rathdowne.
nil.
26
nil.
30
nil.
18
nil.
1 1
12
10
2. Of the County of Meath. Besides one hundred
Kerne of the Pooles.
In the Barony of Dulicke.
nil.
3 2
In the Barony of Skrine,
24
3 °
In that of Ratothe.
nil.
13
In that of Dunboyne.
nil.
3
In that of Decy.
nil.
l 7
In that of Moyfewragh.
nil.
4
In that of Lane.
nil.
8
A.D.
1601.
The rising out
of the Five
English
Shires.
383
[II. ii. 103.]
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The rising out
of the Five
English
Shires.
Horse.
Archers
Horse.
In that of Navan.
nil.
48
In that of Kenlles, alias Kells.
16
6
In that of Slane.
6
1 1
In that of Fowere.
28
nil.
In that of Margallen.
7
1
Thirdly, Of the County
of Westmeath.
60
2
Fourthly, Of the County
of Kildare.
In the Barrony of Sualt.
8
In that of the upper Naasse.
nil.
In that of the nether Naasse.
nil.
5
In that of Kelkullen.
8
2
In that of Narragh.
nil.
2
In that of Reban & Athy.
nil.
3
In that of Kilkey.
1
2
In that of Ophaly.
1
2
In that of Connall.
nil.
3
In that of Clane.
nil.
2
In that of Okethy.
nil.
5
In that of Carbery.
nil.
4
Fifthly, Of the County
of Louth.
In the Barony of Ferrard.
4
26
In that of Atherdy.
16
!3
In the Townes of Lowth and
of Dundalke.
16
6
Summa 207 — 374. Totall both 581
The Irish
Lords and
their
Captaines.
. 9
The rising out of the Irish Lords, and their Captaines.
The Obyrnes, over whom after the death of Sir Henry
Harrington, his son Sir William Harrington, is Captaine
by the late Queenes Letters Pattents, granted to his father
and him, Horsemen 12. Kerne 24.
384
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
The Cavanaghs having then no Captaine over them.
Horse 12. Kerne 30.
Other particular septs, besides those which were in
rebellion. Horse 104. Kerne 307.
Totall, Horse 128. Kerne 361.
The project of disposing the Queenes forces for the
following Summers service.
Out of Mounster we thought fit to be spared, and to
be drawne into Connaght 1000 foot and 50 horse, (since
there should still remaine in Mounster 1600 foot and 200
horse, for any occasion of service.) Foot 1000. Horse
5 °.
In Connaght were already (besides Tybot ne longes
Company). Foot 1150 Horse 74.
These to be placed as followeth.
To keepe at Galloway and Athlone in Connaght, foot
35 °-
To leave at the Abbey of Boyle in Connaght under the
command of the late Lord of Dunkellen, now Earle of
Clanrickard. Foot 1000 Horse 62.
These to further the plantation of Balishannon.
To leave at the Annaly in Lemster side of the Shannon,
under the command of Sir John Barkeley. Foot 800.
Horse 12.
These fit to joine with the undermentioned forces of
Westmeath, Kels, and the rest upon the Northerne
borders, to stop the Ulster Rebels from comming into
Lemster ; or if they should passe them, then to joine with
the forces of Ophaly, and the rest southward. Tybot ne
long, (the payment of whose Company had long beene
stopped) was to be kept in good tearmes. Oconnor Sligo
to be threatned, that if he did not submit and declare
himselfe against Odonnell before the planting of Balli-
shannon, he should have no hope of mercy. The forces
at the Abby of Boyle were to infest Oconnor Sligo, and to
keepe Ororke from joining with Odonnell. Those at the
Annaly, to infest Ororke, besides the above mentioned,
m. 11 385 2 B
A.D.
1601.
The disposing
of the Queenes
forces.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
The disposing lying betweene any forces that might come out of the
°f tiie Queenes North into Lemster, and to follow them if they should
f orces - escape, it being likely that about harvest time Tyrrell and
the Oconnors will gather strength (if they possibly can)
to returne and gather the Corne they sowed last yeere in
Leax and Ophaly. And thus are disposed the above said
Foot 2150. Horse 124.
[II. ii. 104.] The Forces towards the South of Lemster to
lie thus :
In Ophaly. The Earle of Kildare 150. Sir George
Bourcher 100. Sir Edward Harbert 100. Capt. Carroll
100. Sir Henry Warren 100 Foot. In all 550. Earle of
Kildare 25. Sir Edward Harbert 12. Horse. In all 37.
In Leax. Sir Henry Power 150. Sir Francis Rushe 150.
Sir Thomas Loftus 100 Foot. In all 400. Master
Marshall 20. Captaine Pigot 12 Horse. In all 32. At
Kilkenny. Earle of Ormond 150 Foot. Earle of
Ormond 50 Horse.
The Forces towards the North of Lemster to
lie thus :
In Westmeath. Lord of Delvin 150. Sir Francis
Shane 100 Foot. In Kelles. Captaine Roper 150 Foot.
Earle of Kildare 25. Sir Henry Harrington 25 Horse.
At Liscannon in the Brenny. Lord of Dunsany 150.
Captaine Esmond 150. Sir William Warren 100. Sir
Henry Harrington 100. Foot 500. Lord of Dunsany
50 Horse. At Dundalke. Captaine Freckleton 100.
Foot. In the Moyry. Captaine Hansard 100 Foote.
These of the North and the Garrisons at the Abby of
Boyle, lie fit for correspondencie.
These of the South, together with the submitted Irish
in Opprossery, and the Odemsies, Omolyes, and Mac
Coghlins, lie fit for correspondency among themselves, as
also with the garrison at the Annaly. Also all these of
the South and North, lie aptly placed to answere one
386
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
another upon occasion of service, and are in number, those The disposing
of the South, Foot 1100. Horse 119. Those of the oftheQueenes
North, Foot 1 1 00. Horse 100. ^ orces '
Both of the South and North. Foot 2200. Horse 219.
Totall, adding the forces abovesaid drawne out of
Mounster, and those being in Connaght, (namely foot
2150. Horse 124.) Makes Foot 4350. Horse 343.
The Lord Deputies forces follow, wherewith he
purposed to build a Fort at the Moyry, and put men
into it to keepe that Pace : To plant a Garrison in Lecale
of 500. foot and fifty horse. To give Sir Arthur Chi-
chester the Governour of Knockefergus, two Companies
for his better strength. To plant a garrison at Armagh,
and another at the old fort of Blackewater, and a little
loope sconce betweene them both. To see great store of
hay made in time of the yeere at Armagh, and at Mount
Norreis, for feeding of horses there in the winter follow-
ing. To lie all the summer close upon Tyrone, destroy-
ing the new Corne, and spoyling the Countrey, and so
to facilitate the planting of Balishannon, and perhaps to
passe into Tyrones Countrey, the Garrisons of Knocke-
fergus, Lecale, and Loughfoyle entering at the same time
on al hands, and there ordered to meet him. And to draw
towards winter to Athlone in Connaght.
The Lord Deputies said forces.
The Lord Deputy 200. The Marshall 150. Sir Oliver
Lambert 1 50. Sir Christopher S' Laurence 1 50. Sir Fr.
Stafford 200. Sir Oliver S' Johns 200. Sir Henry Folyot
150. Capt. Williams 150. Sir James Fitzpierce 150. Sir
William Fortescue 100. Sir Garret Moore 100. Cap-
taine Oreyly 100. Captaine Edward Blaney 150.
Captaine Josias Bodley 150. Sir Henry Davers 150.
Captaine Ghest 150. Captaine Roe 100. Capt. Master-
son 100. Capt. Rotheram 1 50. Foot 2750. Lord
Deputy 100. Sir Henry Davers 100. Sir Oliver Lam-
bert 25. Sir Garret More 25. Sir Christ. S. Laurence
25. Captaine Darcy 25. Horse 300.
387
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
The disposing The Companies intended to be left in the garrison to
of the Queenes pl an ted this summer at Lecaile.
forces ^ . #
Sir Richard Moryson the Governour 1 50. Captaine
Cawfield 150. Captaine Trever 100. Captaine Constable
100. Foot 500. Sir Samuel Bagnol 50 horse.
The Garrison then being at Knockefergus.
Sir Arthur Chicester the Governour 200. Sir Foulke
Conway 150. Captaine Egerton 100. Captaine Norton
100. Captaine Billings 100. Captaine Phillips 100.
Foot 750.
Sir Arthur Chichester 25. Captaine John Jephson 100.
Horse 125.
These two garrisons of Lecayle and Knockefergus,
[II. ii. 105.] might meet upon all occasions, and so by the intended
plantation of Lecayle, the garrison of Knockfergus was
thought as much strengthened, as if those companies lay
there.
Lying presently in garrison at the Newry, upon Ulster
borders, Sir Samuell Bagnoll 150 foot. Sir Francis
Stafford 50 horse.
Lying at the fort of Mount Norreys, Captaine Aderton
150 foot.
These two garrisons, and the two intended at Blacke-
water and Armagh, to be under one Governour, and to
have correspondency as one garrison.
The garrisons at Loughfoyle to be drawne forth into
the field.
At the Derry, in Lyst.
Sir Henry Dockwra the Governour 200. Captaine
Digges 100. Captaine Willis 150. Captaine Lea 100.
Captaine Oram 100. Captaine Brooks 100. Capt. Orrel
100. Foot 850. whereof to be drawne into the field 650.
At the Lyffer.
Captaine Coach 100. Captaine Morgan 1 50. Captaine
Winsore 100. Captaine Dutton 100. Captaine Goare
150. Captaine Pinner 100. Capt. Rand 100. Foot 800.
For the field 550.
388
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
At Dunalong.
Sir John Bolles 150. Captaine Floyd 150. Capt.
Badby 150. Capt. Sidley 100. Capt. Basset 100. Foot
650. For the field 400.
At Kilmore, Captaine Alford 100. For the field 35.
At Newtowne. Capt. Atkinson 100. For the field 40.
At Romolyon, Capt. Bingley 1 50. At Culmerat, Captaine
Vaughan 100. At the Cargan, Capt. Stafford 100. At
Anny, Captaine Sidney 100. Foot 650. For the field 75.
Totall in List 3000. For the field 1675.
Thus at Loughfoyle with these English foote, and one
hundred English horse, together with five hundred Irish
foote, and one hundred Irish horse, and the helpe of the
Submitties, especially of Neale Garve, and of Cormocke
Oneale. It was thought that Sir Henry Dockewra might
plant an intended garrison at Ballishannon, as by his owne
offer he had projected in England, and besides keeping
his owne, might also draw out sufficient forces to meete
the Lord Deputy in the heart of Tyrone, if the project
of planting Ballishannon could take such effect as was
hoped. To the furtherance whereof, I did at this time,
upon his Lordships command, devise a Cipher, to passe
betweene his Lordship and the Governours of Loughfoyle,
Knockefergus, and Lecaile, to the end, that if the rebels
should light upon any their letters, contriving this meet-
ing or other service, yet they might not be able to discover
any their secret purpose, especially since they were so
ignorant, as they could not attaine the deciphering of
those Characters, or any like, though farre more easie :
and this Cipher was presently sent to the above named
Governours.
His Lordship further resolved in Councel to write to
the Lords in England, to have six thousand of the trained
bands in readines, to be sent over presently upon the
suspected invasion of forraigne powers, and to have a
Magazin of victuals and munition at Limricke, aswell to
answere the service in Mounster, if they should make
3 8 9
The disposing
of the Queenes
forces.
A Cipher
devised.
6000. trained
bands to be in
readines.
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
Deputy' s
journey to the
North.
[II. ii. 106.]
Pardons to
Mounster
rebels.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
discent in those parts (being most likely) as to be drawne
thence to Galloway, in case no such invasion were made,
there to answere the prosecution of the Connaght rebels,
intended the Winter following.
All things thus projected for the following prosecution
of this warre, his Lordship on the two and twentieth of
May, beganne his intended journey above mentioned,
from Dublin, and the twenty three came to Tredagh, and
the twenty five to Dundalke, where his Lordship lay, till
the dispersed Companies could be drawne thither, and
victuals brought. Here he composed all controversies
betweene the late Submitties, and setled a correspondency
betweene them, aswell to make them concurre in the
defence one of another, as also in the defence of the Pale.
Here his Lordship received the twenty eight of May,
letters from the Lords in England, requiring that no
Captain should supply his Company with Passe-volants
at pleasure ; but onely with such men as should bee sent
out of England for supplies. That the Captaines refusing
to shew their companies when they were required by the
Commissaries of the Musters, should be checked two
moneths pay. That such Pensioners should be checked as
without speciall licence, should be absent from any service.
And that speciall care should be had to punish and prevent
such souldiers, as dismissed by their Captaines Passes, or
running away from their colours, did duly returne into
England.
The nine and twentieth of May, upon the intercession
of the Lord President by his Letters, (according to the
course held by directions out of England), the Lord
Deputy granted his warrant for drawing of her Majesties
pardon to Cnocher Omulrian, a Munster rebell, chiefe of
his Sept (or name), and eighty three followers, aswell men
as weomen and children of that sept. The second of June
it was resolved in Councell, that letters should be written
to the Lord President of Mounster, requiring him to draw
the forces under him towards Lymricke, and in those parts
to imploy them most part of the following summer, as
39 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
well ready to attend the discent of any forraigne enemy,
as fitly laid to give countenance to the prosecution of the
rebels in Connaght, whether the said Lord President was
to be further directed, to send a thousand foot and fifty
horse, (according to the above mentioned project), to the
end that the rebels being prosecuted in that Province,
might have no leasure to joine with those of the North,
for disturbing the planting of a garrison at Ballishannon,
which Sir Henry Dockwra was to plant from the way of
Loughfoyle. The fifth of June the Lord President adver-
tised that warning had beene given to those of Mounster,
for the sending of their men to the generall hoasting above
mentioned, which the Lord Deputy had appointed to
meet (according to the old custome) at the hill of Tarrogh,
but that he feared the scarcity of victuals and want of
furniture, would either hinder their full appearance, or
make them of small use to the service. The sixth day
upon the Lord Presidents letters, warrant was given for
a charter of pardon without fine, to be granted to one
hundred fifty one Inhabitants about Moghely in the
County of Corke, as well men as weomen and children,
for life, lands, and goods. And the like was granted to
Oswillivan More of that Province with 481 followers.
The eighth of June being Monday, the Lord Deputy
drew the forces out of Dundalke, and marched two miles
to the hill of Fagher, neere the pace of the Moyry, where
he encamped. And while he lay there, his Lordship
caused a fort to be built in the said Pace, at the three
mile water, not rising from thence till he had made this
Fort defensible, so as leaving some warders in it, the
workemen might in his absence finish the building. The
thirteenth of June, in the Campe at the Fagher, his Lord-
ship published the Proclamation of the new Coyne, all
other monies having beene decried three daies before.
And by his Lordships direction like Proclamations printed
at Dublyn, & thence formerly sent to Loughfoyle &
Knockfergus, & into the Provinces of Connaght &
Mounster, were at the same time published together in all
39i
A.D.
l 60 I.
The Lord
Presidents
advertisement.
The Lord
Deputy at
Fagher.
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
Deputy' s letter
to the Lords in
England.
[II. ii. 107.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
places. The foureteenth, in the same Campe, his Lord-
ship and the Counsellors there, wrote the following letter
to the Lords in England.
I T may please your most Honourable Lordships, per-
ceiving by your Lordships Letters of the eighteenth of
May, that the victuals expected to answere our purpose
of planting Ballishannon by Connaght, could not arrive
in such quantity nor time, as might inable us to proceed
in that journey ; and receiving some arguments of your
Lordships inclination to Sir H. Dockwra his offer to
plant that garrison from Loughfoyle, we grew into a new
consultation, in what sort to make the warre this Summer.
First, it was propounded with the Army to march by
Lecaile and those parts into Colrane, the end whereof
should have beene to have brought in subjection all the
woodmen, and utterly taken from Tyrone all that part
of Ulster between Colrane and Loughsidney to the
Blackewater, from whence heretofore the Traitor hath
gathered his greatest strength. The passages being not
very dangerous, and we having the commodity of the
Sea to supply us, we should have made the warre that
way to great purpose, and with good conveniency, and
perhaps might have fallen over the Banne into Tyrone,
all other wayes being of extreame danger, to enter into
that Countrey, except that one by Loughfoyle. The
chiefe difficulty that did arise against this project, was the
danger wherein we should leave all things behind us, if
the Spaniard should land, when we had carried the chiefe
force of the Kingdome into the uttermost corner thereof :
and the next was, that we being not able to leave any
great guard for the Pale, should have left it naked to any
attempt of Tyrone, and the new reclaimed rebels to the
mercy of him, as the Pale to the mercy of both : But
in the end we grew to this resolution. First, in the
Interym, betweene this and the appointment of the
generall hoasting, (by the which we should be supplied
with carriages, and about which time we expect victuals
392
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
and munition out of England, of the first wherof we are
more sparingly provided then may warrant the ingaging
our selves into any great businesse, and of the second
so utterly unfurnished, as wee scarce have powder to
maintaine a good daies fight, nor tooles, nor other pro-
visions to fortifie, which must be our chiefe worke, as
we carry the rebels before us to dwell by them), we
determine to assure the passage of the Moyry, then to
plant a garrison at Lecaile, and to convay some more men
to Sir Arthur Chichester Governour of Carickefergus,
(who with that Garrison and those supplies, together with
the advantage that our stirring in all other places will give
him, may goe neere to work little lesse effect, then we
with the whole Army should have done) : and lastly, we
purpose to lie with the forces as neere Tyrone as we can.
After when victuals and munition should be arrived,
(which we hope to receive by the last of June, being the
time appointed for the generall hosting), we purpose (God
willing) as neere as wee can to imploy her Majesties forces
according to the inclosed project : (This project I have
formerly set downe). With the particularities of Sir H.
Dockewra his purpose to plant Ballishannon, (sent by
Captaine Vaughan to your Lordships) we are not
acquainted, onely Master Treasurer hath told us of such
a proposition in generall. But wee doubt not, that withall
he hath propounded to your Lordships for such meanes
to accomplish his worke, as must be supplied from thence.
For from us he can receive little other assistance, then
our imploying the whole forces according to the inclosed
project, which in every part is done as much as may be
for his advantage, neither (which is worse) can we easily
have any intelligence from him, or often heare one from
another. But if we perceive that he shall find any
impossibility to plant Ballishannon, wee thinke to advise
him, with the whole grosse of his strength to fall into
Tyrone, about such time as we shall be at Blackewater,
whereby it may fall out, that we shall (with the helpe of
God) meet at Dungannon, and utterly waste all the
393
A.D,
1601.
Sir H.
Dockura to
plant
Ballishannon.
A.D.
1601.
Towers of
stone.
The onely way
to mine the
rebels.
[II. ii. 108.]
FYNES MORYSON S ITINERARY
country of Tyrone, unto the which course if we be driven,
we must resolve to make the warre this following winter
in Connaght, (first leaving the Northern border in good
strength), which we hope will reduce that Province, &
ruine O Donnel ; for if we keepe him out of Connaght,
he cannot long subsist, and so we hope, for the continuall
assurance of that Province, to plant the next yeere at
Ballishannon with facilitie. But if the planting of so
many Garisons doe seeme, by continuing the greatnesse
of the Armie, to draw on too long her Majesties charge,
wee doe first thinke, that to recover this Kingdome, and
to preserve it from being hereafter chargeable, it will bee
necessary, that Ballishannon, Loughfoyle, some Garrisons
on the Ban, Lecayle, Mount Norreys, Armagh, Black-
water ; and some other places, be continually kept, all
which places may be ever victualed by Sea, or they being
neare together, without any dangerous passage betweene
them by land, may be victualed by Sea and land, without
any further force then their owne. And if there be in
every Fort some little Keepe (or Tower) of stone built,
then as the warres decrease, or occasion shall serve, the
places may bee guarded with a few men, and so continue
bridles in peace, and fit places to put in more men to
great purpose, when the rebellion shall at any time breake
out. Neither neede these little Castles bee workes of
any great charge, for they may be easily made such, as
this people will hardly force them. To proceede in our
project of this Summer service. The victuals alreadie
contracted for, must arrive in due time, and your Lord-
ships supply us with good quantities hereafter. For our
onely way to ruine the rebels, must be to make all possible
wast of the meanes for life, which done, if we be not
supplied out of England, we shall aswell starve our selves
as them ; but especially where wee must make the warre,
which is farre from the reliefe of any friend, and where
nothing is to be gotten from the enemy, except it be by
great chance, since what is in their Countries, they wil
lightly either hide, or spoile, or convey to inaccessable
394
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Fastnesses. And because the greatest service here is to
be done by long and sudden journies, which cannot be
done without victuall, and no victuall but cheese well
carried by the souldier, without garons (or carriage Jades)
we must humbly desire your Lordships to send us some
great quantities of cheese. In the provision whereof
whatsoever inconveniences your Lordships shal find, we
assure you they wil be ten times countervailed in the
service. Lastly, because the Army is already weak of
English, and this journy (without the extraordinary favor
of God) must needs diminish them much, aswel by the
sword as sicknes, we most humbly and earnestly desire
your L ps . assoone as conveniently may bee, to send us
1000 shot to Carlingford for supplies, that at our returne,
we may both strengthen those English Companies, which
we meane to leave behind us in the North, and such
as wee carry with us for the Winter service. The time
wil be exceeding fit for their arrivall ; for besides the
succour we may receive from them, if we grow very weake
at our returne, they will come over well cloathed against
the Winter, and may have time to rest, and to be seasoned,
till Christmas, (till when in these warres it is the most
unactive part of the yeere), and then may bee imployed
till the end of May (which is the onely season to plague
these rebels), and when the Summer is past (wherein those
rogues revive and live like flies) then our Garrisons being
well planted, and the Army strengthened with English,
wee may begin to cast the Irish Companies, and to cleare
the English Companies of them. For they must con-
tinue good subjects, or starve if they goe out, and have
the Queenes sword hang over them, wheresoever they
goe. In the meane time we thinke them necessarily
entertained, for wee take so many men from the Rebels,
and by them give unto our selves facilitie to plant the
foundation of their owne ruine, and both with us and
against us to wast them by themselves. For if wee
should not entertaine them, they would lie upon some
Countrie of the subject, and except it were defended by
395
A.D.
1601.
iooo. shot
to strengthen
the Army.
A.D.
1601.
i oo. former
rebels killed,
fighting on the
Queenes side.
Helpe
expected from
Spaine.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
as many as themselves, they would waste and live upon it,
so that in effect the very numbers entertained would grow
all to one reckoning. And for a more particular instance
of the benefit that ensueth the entertaining these Irish,
we thinke we can give your Lordships an account of
above one hundred that have this yeere been killed with
the bullet, fighting on our side, who were formerly rebels
(for of such wee speake) and questionlesse would have
been so againe, if they had lived, and should have been
put out of the Queenes pay. Wee humbly desire your
Lordships to make a favourable construction both of our
counsels, and the successes, since those grounds where-
upon we doe now justly build our resolution, may by
their alteration give us just cause to alter our course,
and the want of such meanes, either in matter or time
as we expect, may utterly hinder it. And that more
especially, in case any forraine succours doe arrive. For
then the whole frame of this our project is broken, and
we must be presently relieved out of England, or else
we with this Kingdome shall suffer much hazard. And
because your Lordships in your last letters, gave us some
light, that it might be, and leave to informe you, what
likelihood wee could here receive, that it would be ; wee
have first the intelligence which we send your Lordships,
with many other reports. Next we have a constant and
of late an extraordinary conceived confidence in this
people. And lastly we judge what a wise and a powerfull
enemie will doe, by that which is best and easie for him
to doe. So as wee have many reasons to thinke, that
Spaine will send them helpes this yeere, and few to thinke
otherwise, save that he hath so often deceived their
expectations. For if the malice of Spaine continue to
England, they have an easie and dangerous step thereto
by Ireland ; and if they doe not imbrace the occasion
of this yeere, there is no doubt but the next will for
ever loose it unto them. Now because it must please
your Lordships to proportion our succours to the force
we are likely to be offended with, and that from us you
396
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
will expect our owne estates ; it may please your Lord-
ships to consider, that the power of this Kingdome
consisteth of her Majesties English Army ; of such Irish
as are here in Companies by themselves, or in English
Companies to serve as mercenaries, of the Nobilitie,
Townes, and inbred people of this Nation, which live
as subjects ; and lastly of such meere Irish Lords and
their people, as were lately reclaimed, or still remaine in
rebellion. The English are few and farre dispersed, the
Irish that serve with us exceeding mercenary, and there-
fore likely to follow their golden hopes of Spaine ; the
Nobilitie, Townes, and People, are of so obstinate a
contrariety in Religion, that without question they are
growne malicious to the Governement, and affect under
the protection of the power of Spaine, to declare them-
selves : the Irish Lords with us, have the same motives
as they against us, in their last necessitie to joyne with
Spaine. And all these, especially the Townes, are more
stirred on by this new coine (which though, if the aide
of Spaine doe not arrive, may securely be established, yet
if it doe, it will breede many dangerous inconveniences.)
It may therefore please her Majestie, to have in a readi-
nesse sixe thousand of the trained Bands of such
Countries, serving best for transporting into Ireland, to
be sent over into Mounster upon the first notice of any
forraine power to be arrived there, and some part of her
Navy in a readinesse, with a greater portion of munition
and artillerie for us, then otherwise this warre would
require. We doe hope to give her Majestie a very good
account of her Kingdome and of our selves, untill wee
shall have cause to sue for more reliefe. And if it must
needes fall out, that Spaine will have warre with England,
we shall be glad that the warre of England may be made
in Ireland, and that wee her poore servants shall have
the happinesse to strike the first blowes for both her Royall
Kingdoms, the which the eternall God preserve long unto
her, and her unto them and us, &c.
The same fourteenth day, from the said Campe at the
397
A.D.
1601.
[II. ii. 109.]
Golden hopes
of Spaine.
The Nazle to
be in a
readinesse.
A.D.
1 601.
Letter to Sir
Henry
Dockivra.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Fagher, his Lordship wrote to Sir Henrie Dockwra,
Governour of Loughfoyle, first touching his Lordships
purposes ; That the generall hoasting being the last of
June, his Lordship presumed within sixteene dayes after,
to be provided of all meanes to put al the forces in action,
according to their distribution (the project whereof he
sent to him inclosed), and to bee himselfe as high as
Armagh, with such a power, as Tyrone should have good
reason to thinke, that he would doe somewhat more, and
in the meane time he would (God willing) keepe the field
as neere Tyrone, as his meanes would give him leave.
So as his Lordship having planted at Armagh and Black-
water, hoped either by lying there to facilitate his planting
of Ballishannon from Loughfoyle, or to breake into
Tyrone, and meete him there. And if Tyrones Army
should breake, as his Lordship expected, he thought to
find no great difficulty herein, but otherwise held the
passage to Dungannon not to be ventured that way. But
touching the planting at Ballishannon, that Sir Henrie
Dockwra should not build upon any supplies from his
Lordship, of victuals, munition, or tooles : for artillery
that he might use that he had at Loughfoyle, and either
bring it back by water, or be after supplied thereof from
Dublin. For munition, tooles, and like necessaries, that
his Lordship could spare none, & if he could, yet had
no speedy meanes to send them. For intelligence, that he
had sent him a Cipher, which he might use safely in
writing to his Lordship, not caring how the messengers
sped, so the letters were not understood. That he had
sent the like Cipher to Sir Arthur Chichester at Knock-
fergus, with whom he should have often intelligence, and
might that way write most safely to his Lordship. That
when he knew his owne meanes, and by his Lordships
project, should find him in readinesse to answere his
attempts, he should chuse his owne time for planting Bali-
shannon, and as neere as he could, send his Lordship
certaine notice of the time, and use all possible expedition.
But if he could not plant there for any want or difficulty,
398
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
that then hee should agree with Sir Arthur Chichester,
that they might both at one time breake into Tyrone,
where his Lordship, upon notice given him, would meete
them, in which journey, besides all other effects of warre,
they should burne all the dwellings, and destroy the
corne on the ground, which might bee done by incamping
upon it, and cutting it downe with swords, and other
waies, holding it best they should spoile all the corne,
except that which he could gather, wherein he should not
regard the disswasion of the Irish Submitties in his
Campe.
The same fourteenth day wee dislodged from the
Fagher, and leaving the Moyry Fort defensible, with
Warders to guard it, and the workemen, being to build
a Tower or Keepe of stone, we marched eight miles, and
incamped at Carickbane, a little beyond the Newrie. The
fifteenth his Lordship rose, and marching some fifteene
miles, incamped in Evagh the Countrie of Mac Gennis.
The late Rebels neere Dundalke being all submitted, his
Lordship had drawne Sir Richard Moryson with his
Regiment from that Governement, purposing to place him
in Lecayle, neerer to the enemie. And intending to
march thither with the Army the next day, lest the rebels
should have leasure to burne the Countrie, and carry away
the prey, his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson this
evening with sixe Companies of Foote, and one of Horse,
to march all night into Lecayle, who comming suddenly
on the rebels, tooke all the prey, and in taking of Downe
Patrick, the Bishops seate, one of the Bradyes was taken,
and his head cut off, the rest yeelding to mercy there,
and in all adjoyning places. Here his Lordship was
advertised from the Secretarie of Ireland, that the newes
of the Spanish invasion this Summer was seconded from
divers, comming from Cales. The sixteenth day his
Lordship marched with the Army (through high Moun-
tains and Woods, and some dangerous paces) seven miles
to the Blackstaffe river, neare a strong Castle, called
Dundrom, lying on the North side of the Paces, where
399
A.D.
1601.
The Moyry
Fort.
[II. ii. IIO.]
Downe
Patrick taken.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
the plaine Countrie opens into Lecayle, being an Hand
compassed on the West side with this River, and on
the three other sides with the sea, and two small armes
thereof. This night his Lordship with some horse passed
the Blackstaffe bridge, and rode three miles into Lecayle,
to view the Countrie. In the way Phelim Mac Ever
Submitties. submitted himself, and yeelded to the Queene his Castle
of Dundrom. Also Mac Carty submitted himselfe, and
drew his creaghts (or cattle, servants and goods) into
Lecayle. His Lordship returned to the Camp, and the
next day rode to Downe Patrick, and thence by Saint
Patricks Well to Arglasse, being sixe miles, in which
Towne two Castles yeelded to the Queene, and the
Warders upon their lives saved, gave up their Armes.
A third Castle there had been held for the Queene all the
time of the rebellion, by one Jordane, never comming
out of the same for three yeeres past, till now by his
Lordships comming he was freed, and to him was given
a reward from the Queene by Concordatum, besides his
Lordships bounty of his private purse. After dinner his
Lordship rode two miles to Russels Towne, and foure
miles to the Campe at Blackstaffe. The eighteenth day
Mac Rory, Captaine of Kilwarden adjoyning, was received
Sir Arthur to the Queenes mercy upon his submission. And Sir
Chichester. Arthur Chichester, Governor of Knockfergus, all this
day expected, came in the evening, to whom his Lordship
that night imparted his designes in the present service,
and to the same effect sent a packet by him to Sir Henrie
Dockwra, Governour of Loughfoyle ; and to them both,
as also to Sir Richard Moryson being to bee left
Governour of Lecayle, his Lordship gave Proclamations
to be published for establishing the above mentioned new
coine. All this time Arthur Mac Gennis the chiefe of
his name, & Edmond Boy Mac Gennis his Uncle, made
meanes to be received to her Majesties mercy, but could
not obtaine the favour, without first doing some service.
This day his Lordship and the Counsell (following the
Army) gave thirty pound by concordatum to Phelimy
400
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Ever Mac Gennis for some special services ; and Balinthor
a strong Castle was taken by our men, with divers cowes
and other goods, sixe of the Ward being killed, and the
rest swimming away.
His Lordship having placed Sir Richard Moryson (with
five hundred foote, and fifty horse under his command)
to governe Lecayle (which had their residency at Downe),
did march backe on the nineteenth day eleven mile, to
five mile Church, neere the Newry, passing one pace
exceeding strong by nature, and plashed with trees, which
lay at the end of the Plaines of Lecaile, and entrance into
the woody Mountaines. And before the entry of this
pace, Sir Arthur Chichester having received two hundred
Foote to strengthen his Garrison, returned backe to
Knockfergus. The twentieth day his Lordship marched
with his forces three miles to Carickbane, lying Northward
of the Newrie.
This day Sir Henrie Davers lying at Mount Norryes,
advertised his Lordship, that Tyrone lying in a fastnes,
and his men never venturing upon the Plaine, the
souldiers left under his command there, could not in all
this time get any occasion to fight with him, whereof they
shewed great desire, onely the horse often shewing them-
selves upon the hilles, had kept him beyond Armagh,
where he with his Creaghts lay, feeding some thousands
of Cowes. Whereupon because his Lordship desired to
preserve the grasse neere Armagh for his horse troopes,
as also to make store of hay there for the Winter following,
He sent Sir William Godolphin with his Lord ps . troope
of horse under his command, to second the forces at
Mount Norreys, in attempting some service upon Tyrone,
meaning to draw presently his whole forces thither. But
in the meane time Sir Francis Staffords Lieutenant of his
horse, sent by Sir Henrie Davers to spy the rebels pro-
ceedings, had passed to the view of Armagh, and found
that Tyrone had sent backe all his cowes, upon the hearing
of his Lordships returne out of Lecayle. For which
cause, and upon notice that Tyrone had taken a dayes
m. ii 401 2 c
A.D.
1601.
Five mile
church.
Tyrone lies in
a fastnes.
[II. ii. hi.]
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1601.
victuals for his men, as if he meant to attempt something,
his Lordship recalled Sir William Godolphin with his
troope. The one and twentieth day his Lordship lay
still, in regard that, for difficultie of getting Garrons (that
Scarcity of is 5 carriage Jades), or by some negligence, victuals were
victuals. not ( accorc p n g to his former directions) put into Mount
Norreys, to which place hee purposed to draw with his
forces. This day three daies bread came to his Lordships
forces, which in stead of other victuals lived upon beeves.
And his Lordship writ to Sir Henrie Davers, that accord-
ing to his daily use of late daies, hee should the next
morning earely draw the forces of Mount Norreys towards
Armagh, and should on the sudden possesse the Abbey
there, and the Towne, whether his Lordship would also
draw the Army presently for his second.
The two and twentieth day, his Lordship having, by
extraordinary pay above the Queenes price, gotten
garrons, and carrying victuals with him for Mount
Norryes, and for the Garrison he intended to plant at
Armagh, marched sixe miles neere to Mount Norryes,
where Sir Henrie Davers with that Garrison met him,
having not been able, for some difficulties, to execute his
Lordships former directions. From thence his Lordship
(taking with him the said Garrison) marched forward seven
miles, and that night incamped a little beyond Armagh,
Bragging where some few rebels shewed themselves braggingly, but
rebels. attempted nothing. His Lordship before his returne
from Lecayle, was purposed to leave such forces at Mount
Norryes, as might plant the Garrison at Armagh when
they found opportunity : but lest they should have been
hindred by a greater force, his Lordship rather then to
returne towards the Pale (for the attending there of the
generall Hoasting, where his Army should have spent the
same victuals it now did) was resolved himselfe in person
to plant it, imagining that Tyrone, not looking for him
till the generall hoasting, would not have his whole forces
with him, nor by that reason, and an opinion and feare that
his Lordship intended to march further into Tyrone,
402
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
would have any minde to follow his Lordship, or hinder
his retreate when hee should have weakened his forces by
that Plantation. Therefore the three and twentieth day
his Lordship making a shew to draw from his campe
beyond Armagh towards Blackewater, caused his forces
to make a stand for his retreat, and so himselfe with his
followers and servants rode more then a mile forward,
to view the way to Blackewater Fort, and the place of
the famous Biackewater defeat, under the Marshall
Bagnols conduct, and having passed a pace without one
shot made at his troope, he returned to his forces, and
marching backe, he left a garrison of seven hundred fifty
foote, and one hundred horse, at the Abbey of Armagh,
under the command of Sir Henry Davers, and that night
marched with the rest neere to Mount Norreys, where he
encamped, having in this march from Armagh, viewed
the Foard, where Generali Norries formerly was hurt,
making a stand with his horse, to secure his foot distressed
by Tyrones charge.
The foure and twenty, his Lordship leaving at Mount
Norries the foot and horse of that garrison, marched
himselfe with 1250 foot, and 150 horse, sixe miles to
Donanury, being two miles short of the Newry. This
was a hill naturally and artificially of old fortified, where
in regard of the weakenes of his forces he encamped,
purposing there to attend and solicite the hastning, to
send to him from the Pale, all the meanes hee expected
to furnish him for his intended journy, to build the
demolished Fort of Blackwater.
Here his Lordships Army was mustered, and was
by Pole.
Captaines and Officers 87. Targets 112. Pykes 291.
Muskets 125. Callivers 635. In all 1250.
Whereof besides Captaines and Officers, English 593.
Irish the rest. Wanting Swords 191.
The six and twenty day, his Lordship sent victuals to
the garrisons at Mount Norreis and at Armagh. The
403
A.D.
l 60 I.
The Lord
Deputy views
the Blacke-
water.
Donanury.
[II. ii. 1 12.]
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Waterford
marriners
pressed for
Spaine.
Arthur
Mac Gennis
makes sute
for mercy.
twenty nine day his Lordship received advertisement, that
Sir H. Davers drawing out the garrison of Armagh into
the fastnes, where Brian mac Art lay with his Cattle, had
killed divers of his men, taken many horses from him,
and spoiled much of his baggage, besides three hundred
Cowes which he had taken from Mac Gennis. And the
same day his Lordship received the examinations of
certain Waterford Marriners, who testified, that being at
the Groyne, they were pressed there to serve the King
of Spaine, in a flye-boat of two hundred tun carrying
bread to Lisbone ; where there was an army of three
thousand men to be shipped with victuals and munition
for Ireland, and there heard that Tyrones Agent lay at
Court, importuning aid to be sent him presently, being
not able to subsist any longer without speedy aid. And
that the examinates demanded if they were Pylots for the
Irish Coast ; and finding they should be imploied that
way, had secretly got shipping to transport themselves into
France, and so returned home.
The thirtieth day Arthur Mac Gennis chiefe of the
name, terrified by the plantation of the garrison in Lecaile,
made humble sute for mercy, and obtained her Majesties
protection for nine daies, conditionally that he should
come the Satturday following, to submit himselfe in person
to her Majesties mercy, and crave her gracious pardon at
Dundalk, where his Lordship then purposed to be. And
Rory Oge Mac Gennis, obtained the like protection for
one moneth. The same day his Lordship upon the Lord
President of Mounster his intercessory letters, granted
warrant for her Majesties pardon, to be passed for two
hundred seventy Artificers and Husbandmen of the
County of Kerry. The first of July his Lordship had
purposed to rise from Dunanurey, and to returne himselfe
to Dundalke : but he staied that day, in respect the
weather was very foule, and the rather to countenance the
Convoy going with bisket up to Mount Norreis and
Armagh.
Hitherto his Lordship had kept the field, rather to make
404
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
Tyrone keepe his forces together, and so to weaken him,
then for purpose of any other service of moment : but
now hearing from Dublin, that the rising out for the
generall hoasting, came slowly, and not onely victuals
were not yet arrived there, but even the carriages and
beeves for the Army, were like in great part to faile ; the
second day of July his Lordship dispersed his forces into
the said garrisons fronting neerest upon the rebels, and
so with his followers and servants rode to Dundalke, lead-
ing with him of his army onely three Companies of foot,
and one troope of horse. The third day, Sir Francis
Stafford Governour of the Newry, brought Arthur Mac
Gennis to Dundalke, who made his submission to her
Majesty, kneeling before the Lord Deputy & Counsell.
Then he made certaine humble requests : First for his
pardon which was granted : Secondly, for lands granted
to his father by letters Pattents, which his Lordship
promised to confirme, excepting only the Lands of Glasny
Mac Gennis, on whom he should make no imposition.
That he might take in such tenants as would come from
the Rebels, acquainting the Governour of the Newry
therewith before he received them, which was granted.
Fourthly, that he might retaine and absolutely command
all his old tenants, till Alhollandtide next, which was
granted, excepting Glasny Mac Gennis. Fiftly, that he
might enjoy the Corne he had sowed in Lecaile ; which
being sowed on other mens Lands, could not be granted,
onely favourable respect to him was promised. Sixthly,
that his people might be freed from all actions of privat
wrongs in the warre, which was granted upon a fine of
three hundred Cowes, presently to be delivered for the
Army. The same time Patricke mac Mahowne, Nephew
to the chiefe of that name, was upon like humble sub-
mission received to her Majesties mercy, with promise of
his pardon.
The fifth day the Lord President and Counsell of
Mounster, by letters desired his Lordship, to recall his
warrant of marshall Law, given to the Lord Bourke,
4°5
Arthur
Mac Gennis' s
humble
requests.
[II. ii. 1 13.]
Warrant of
marshall law
recalled.
A.D.
1601.
Letters from
the Lords in
England.
Orders for
the generall
boasting.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
aswell because the Lords abused the same, to draw
followers to them, and to revenge their private quarrels,
as because the whole Province was peaceable, and willing
to be governed by judiciall courses, and this warrant his
Lordship presently recalled.
This day Sir Oliver S l Johns brought letters from the
Lords in England, whereby her Majesty gave direction,
that the Lord Deputy should publikely to all the Army,
and privately to the chiefe Commanders, give thankes
from her Majesty to them, for the zeale and duty they
had shewed in her service, and signifie her gracious
acceptance of their endeavours. The sixth day his Lord-
ship staied at Dundalke, to hasten the supplies of the
generall hoasting, which came in slowly, and to order the
Irish forces of the same fitly for defence of the Pale.
This day Captaine Thomas Roper, with his company of
foot, according to his Lordships former directions, came
from Kells, to serve in the army under his Lordship.
And while his Lordship lay here, newes came from
Armagh, that Sir Henry Davers had taken some chiefe
horses from Tyrones campe, and had entred Mac Carty
his Country, being one of the greatest fastnesses in
Ireland, and brought from thence a great prey.
His Lordship finding that the rising out of the generall
hoasting, would doe little good in the Army, and they
being willing to undertake their owne defence, which at
their owne perill his Lordship thought hee might best
commit to their trust. The seventh of July his Lordship
gave order, that the forces of the generall hoasting, for
the Counties of Dublyn and Lowth, should lie at Lowth,
under the command of the Lord of Lowth, and M r
Garland of Killencoule. That those of Meath should lie
at Kels, under the command of the Lord of Tremelstone,
and M r Dillon his Deputy. That those of West-Meath
should be commanded by the Lord of Delvin, and any
Deputy his Lordship should chuse ; so that his Lordship
or his Deputy should alwaies in person be resident with
them, and keepe them together ready to answere any
406
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
service, upon paine of a fine and imprisonment, to such
as should disobey. That those of Kildare, should under
the Earle of Kildares command, lie at Athy, or else where,
at his Lordships discretion : and that the Sheriffe of the
shire command them under his Lordship.
The ninth day his Lordship marched from Dundalke
towards the North, and gathering the forces to him out
of the adjoining garrisons, encamped at Latenbur, beyond
the Newry, where he lay still the tenth day, till the victuals
was in readines to be carried to Armagh. The eleventh
day his Lordship marched some foure miles, to an hill
little beyond Mount Norreis, and that day his Lordship
was advertised, that Sir Arthur Chichester had taken the
sole Castle held in those parts of Knockfergus by Brian
mac Art, namely, the Reagh, and that Sir Richard Mory-
son in Lecale, had taken in two Loughes (or Hands in
Lakes), being all the fastnesses (or places of strength)
which the said Brian mac Art held there. The twelfth
day the Army marched early in the morning to Armagh,
and there resting some houres, marched againe after
dinner a mile and a halfe beyond Armagh, and there upon
an hill encamped.
The thirteenth day of July, the Lord Deputy with the
Army rose from the former Campe, and marched one mile
and a halfe, to an hill on this side (namely the South-side)
of Blackewater, where he made a stand, Tyrone and his
horse and foot, shewing themselves out of a wood, beyond
a Meadow on the other side of the River, and that with
Trumpets and divers colours, (some wonne at the old
defeat of the English in those parts), and with some
Drummes, rather for a bragging ostentation then other-
wise, since they fighting like theeves upon dangerous
passages, used not to appeare in such warlike manner.
And from the trenches kept by the Rebels on the other
side of the water, some vollies of shot were powred upon
us, which fell downe on every side dead on the ground,
by reason of the distance betweene us, and did
small or no hurt. We having a Rabinet & a Falcon,
407
A.D.
1601.
Brian
mac Art' 5
fastnesses
taken.
Tyrone's
bragging
ostentation.
A.D.
1601.
[II. ii. 1 14.]
An enemies
soile no place
for recreation.
Preparations
for assault.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
made from this hill, some shot at the rebels troope
farre distant, whereupon their Puppits bravery suddenly
vanished ; and according to their wonted manner,
they hidde themselves in the woods. Presently the
Lord Deputy sent three hundred foote to another hill
on this side of the River, adjoining to the old Fort lying
beyond the water, and his Lordship rode to that hil, whom
many voluntary Gentlemen with his servants followed.
And in the way my selfe and some others lighted in a
Valley to refresh our selves by walking, but found an
enemies soile no place for recreation, for out of the
Ditches & Furrowes many shot were made at us ; where-
upon we tooke our horses, one shot dangerously, yet (God
be praised) without hurt passing betweene my legges,
while one of my feete was in my stirrop, and so we
retyred to the grosse, standing in more safetie. Towards
evening, wee incamped upon the above mentioned hil, at
which time wee saw farre off by a Wood side, Tyrone
draw some horse over to our side of the water, either
(as we imagined) to assayle Tirlogh Mac Henrie of the
Fewes, lately submitted, and comming after us to attend
the Lord Deputie in this service, or else to conferre with
him and his companie : but assoone as Sir William
Godolphin Commander of the Lord Deputies troope of
horse, by his Lordships direction made towards Tyrone,
he with his horse presently retired backe. That night we
made Gabyons to enter the Rebels trenches, and sent the
Rabinet and Falcon to be planted on the other hill, where
our above mentioned three hundred foote lay. All the
night the rebels out of the trenches shot at our men,
while they were busie in working. But the fourteenth
day very early at the dawning of the day, upon our first
discharging of the said great pieces, charged with musket
bullets, and after some three vollies of our smal shot,
the rebels quitted their trenches, basely running into the
Woods, and our three hundred men passing the River,
under Captaine Thomas Williams his command, possessed
the trenches, and the old ruined Fort, with the Plaine
408
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
in which it lay, the Wood being almost musket shot
distance, whether the rebels were fled, and had by night
carried their hurt and slaine men. Presently the Lord
Deputie sent one Regiment to lye beyond the Blackwater,
upon a hill where his Lordship had made choice to build
a new Fort. Upon view of the trenches made upon every
Foard, his Lordship found they were strongly and
artificially fortified, wondring much that either they should
so laboriously fortifie them, if they meant not to defend
them, or should so cowardly quit such strong places, and
so suddenly, if they had former resolution to make them
good. In gaining them wee had some twentie men hurt,
and two slaine, and they had greater losse, especially in
the going off, though we could not truly know it.
The fifteenth day his Lordship with a troope of horse,
and foure hundred foote, drew towards Tyrones Wood,
and viewed the paces in the sight of the rebels, who ran
away with their cowes, onely at his Lordships retrait
making some few shot at our men, but hurting not one
man. In the evening, Captaine Trever, and Captaine
Constable with their Companies came to the Campe, sent
thither from Lecayle to strengthen the Army, according
to his Lordships direction to Sir Richard Moryson, after
the Countrie was all taken in, and Mac Gennis the greatest
neighbor Rebel had submitted himselfe.
The 1 6 day the L. Deputy drew out a Regiment of
Irish, commanded by Sir Christo. S l . Laurence, and
passing the Blackwater, marched to Benburb, the old
house of Shane O Neale, lying on the left hand of our
Campe, at the entrance of great woods. There our men
made a stand, in a faire greene meadow, having our camp
and the plaines behind them, & the wood on both sides,
& before them. The rebels drew in great multitudes to
these woods. Here we in the Campe, being our selves
in safety, had the pleasure to have the ful view of an
hot and long skirmish, our loose wings sometimes beating
the rebels on all sides into the Woods, and sometimes
being driven by them back to our Colours in the middest
409
A.D.
l 60 I.
The rebels
flee.
Benburb.
A.D.
1601.
Doctor
Latwar
mortally
wounded.
[II. ii.
The Irish
losses.
Tyrones
Secretary
killed.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
of the meadow, (where assoone as our horse charged, the
rebels presently ran backe) and this skirmish continuing
with like varietie some three howers : for the Lord
Deputie, as he saw the numbers of the rebels increase,
so drew other Regiments out of the Campe, to second
the fight. So that at last the Rebell had drawne all his
men together, and we had none but the by-Guards left
to save-guard the Campe, all the rest being drawne out.
Doctor Latwar the Lord Deputies Chaplaine, not content
to see the fight with us in safetie, but (as he had formerly
done) affecting some singularitie of forwardnesse, more
then his place required, had passed into the meadow
where our Colours stood, and there was mortally wounded
] with a bullet in the head, upon which hee died the next
day. Of the English not one more was slaine, onely
Captaine Thomas Williams his legge was broken, and two
other hurt, but of the Irish on our side twenty sixe were
slaine, and seventy five were hurt. And those Irish being
such as had been rebels, and were like upon the least
discontent to turne rebels, and such as were kept in pay
rather to keepe them from taking part with the rebels,
then any service they could doe us, the death of those
unpeaceable swordmen, though falling on our side, yet
was rather gaine, then losse to the Commonwealth.
Among the rebels, Tyrones Secretary, and one chiefe man
of the Ohagans, and (as we credibly heard) farre more
then two hundred Kerne were slaine. And lest the
disparitie of losses often mentioned by me, should savour
of a partiall pen, the Reader must know, that besides
the fortune of the warre turned on our side, together with
the courage of the rebels abated, and our men heartned
by successes, we had plentie of powder, and sparing not
to shoote at randome, might well kill many more of
them, then they ill furnished of powder, and commanded
to spare it, could kill of ours.
These two last dayes our Pioners had been busied in
fortifying and building a new Fort at Blackwater, not
farre distant from the old Fort, demolished by the rebels,
410
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
and for some daies following, his Lordship specially
intended the furtherance and finishing of this worke, so
as many souldiers were extraordinarily hired to worke
therein as Pyoners.
The nineteenth day his Lordship wrote to the Lords .
in England, that had not the Irish submitties for the
new coyne (now currant over all) furnished the Army
with beeves, it had been in great distresse, since the ill Food.
victuals of the new contract were not arrived, and that
of the old store consisted principally of saltfish, whereof
the souldier could not feede, especially in Summer, besides
that by long keeping it was of ill condition, so as infection
was feared in the Army, praying that in the next contracts,
the soldier might be fed therewith onely one day in the
weeke. That he had in his directions to Sir Henry
Dockwra, given him choice, either with the countenance
of his Lordships Army on this side Tyrone, to goe
forward with planting Ballishannon, or concurring with
the Governour of Knockfergus, to enter into Tyrone,
where his Lordship upon notice would meete them ; and
in respect he since understood, that he wanted tooles for
the Plantation, he thought the second project would rather
be followed by him. That Tyrone lay with all his forces
to hinder his Lordship from passing to Dungannon, which
he most feared, and had no fastnesse but onely this to
stop it, so as hee doubted not to breake in to meete
Sir Henrie Dockwra, if he could once be assured of his
resolution. Further, he besought their Lordships to give
warrant for allowance to the Captaines for broken Armes, Allowance
upon bringing the old, because upon the breaking of for broken
pieces, the souldiers were turned to serve with Pikes, dimes.
and our shot diminished daily, and the Pikes were
increased more then our use required, the Captaine
excusing himselfe, that upon breaking of pieces, he was
not able to provide other Armes then Pikes for his men.
Likewise he advertised to their Lordships, that since the
last dispatch, Sir Henrie Dockwra had taken in New-
towne, being some sixteene miles from Dungannon
A.D.
1601.
Rebel defeats .
Supplies of
shot desired.
[II. ii. 1 16.]
Sir Oliver
Lambert to be
Governour of
Connaght.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
(Tyrones chiefe seate), on the North side, (as he the Lord
Deputy had planted at Blackwater, being some fifteene
miles from Dungannon, on the South side) ; and that
Sir Henrie Dockwra had spoiled and burned the Countrie
there about, and had taken some one thousand cowes,
from the parts neere the Lough of Earne. That Sir
John Barkley, Governour of the forces at the Anneley,
had met with Tyrrels men, as they passed towards Ophaly,
(for which purpose that Garrison was specially laied there),
and had taken from them three hundred cowes, and killed
some of them, and had stopped them from troubling that
Countrie. And that he the Lord Deputy with the Army
had destroied the rebels Corne about Armagh (whereof he
found great abundance), and would destroy the rest, this
course causing famine, being the onely sure way to reduce
or root out the Rebels. Finally, praying their Lordships
(as formerly) to send one thousand shot for supplies, the
strengthening of the English being the next way to
diminish her Majesties charge, since the Irish were kept
in pay rather to prevent their fighting against us, then
for confidence in their fighting for us.
The same nineteenth day of July, the Lord Deputy
wrote to Sir Robert Cecill, her Majesties Secretary, that
he found upon good consideration, that the Governement
of Connaght was not in his disposall, and therefore being
loth to exceede his Commission, he would onely assure
him, that as it was requisite, a man of experience, and
fit for the present service, should have that Governement,
so he conceived none to be fitter then Sir Oliver Lambert,
who had already deserved well in this service, and would
(in his opinion) be able to doe her Majestie as good
service, as any in that place, whom (if it might stand
with her Majesties pleasure, to give him warrant), he was
desirous to imploy in those parts, fearing it would be a
great hinderance to his intended worke, if any should
be put into that Governement, who might prove unfit,
or unable to make that warre ; In which respect, he having
no other end but the advancement of her Majesties
4x2
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
service, was bold to make it his humble suite, that Sir
Oliver Lambert might bee placed in that Governement.
While the Army lay at Blackwater to build the new
Fort, his Lordship on the twentieth of July, drew out
two Regiments into the woods, aswell to view the paces,
and provoke the rebels, as to fetch some houses thence,
for the building of our Fort, and to cut a field of Corne
lying on the skirt of the Woods ; which was all per-
formed ; the rebels on the further side of the Blackwater,
onely making a slight skirmish with our men, upon their
retreit on this side the River. The two and twentieth
day, wee cut all the Corne by the Bogge and Wood side,
neere our Fort, except that which our men had power
to reape. The three and twentieth day Captaine Thomas
Williams with his Company, being left to governe the
new Fort (who before the Blackwater defeat did valiantly
defend the old Fort there, being after demolished by the
rebels) his L p . with the army dislodged, and at our rising,
a Proclamation was made, that how soever Tyrone
vaunted, that his Pardon was offered him, and he might
have it at pleasure, her Majestie was not onely resolved
never to receive him to mercy, but was pleased againe to
renew her gratious offer, that whosoever brought him
alive, should have 2000 li. and whosoever brought his
head, should have 1000 li. for reward. Thence we
marched two little miles to an hill South West-ward in
Henrie Oges Countrie, where we incamped, and cut
downe the Corne on everie side. The seven and twentieth
day his Lordship leaving Sir Henrie Follyots Regiment to
guard the Camp, drew out three Regiments, expecting
that the Rebels would fight, who shewed themselves on
an hill neere us, with all their horse and foote, and sound-
ing of Trumpets, yet our men not onely cutting downe
the corne close by them, but entring the Woods to cut
Corne there, and burning many houses in the skirts of
the woods, they were so patient, as after one volley of
shot, they retired into the thickest Woods. The same
day the Army dislodging, marched a mile or two more
413
A.D.
I 6 oi.
Rebel's
Corne cut.
The Lord
Deputy's
Proclamation.
The rebels
patient.
A.D.
1601.
Submission of
Tyrone’s
Marshall.
Rebels broken
in Leax.
[II. ii. 1 17.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Southward, where we cut down great abundance of Corne
with our swords (according to our fashion), and here
Shane Mac Donnel Groome, Tyrones Marshall (whose
Corne this was) upon humble submission was received
to her Majesties mercie, and came to his Lordship in
person the same night at our setting downe in our last
Campe, whether we returned. The eight and twentieth
his Lordship leaving Sir Christopher Saint Laurence his
Regiment to guard the Camp, drew out three Regiments
both in the morning & evening, to countenance two
convoies of victuals. This day his Lordship sent a
dispatch to Sir Henrie Dockwra, about their concurring
in the present services, and the like to Sir Arthur Chi-
chester, to the same purpose. His Lordship staied the
longer in these parts, to see the Forts wel victualed, and
to cut downe the Corne, whereof he found great store.
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship was adver-
tised, that Sir Henrie Poore had scattered and broken
three hundred rebels in Leax, and had beggered them by
divers preyes of cattell taken from them, and among them,
being of the Sept of O Mores, had killed, burnt and
hanged forty at least, and after had slaine in fights O
Connor Mac Lyre, and most of his men, and hurt many
of those which escaped.
And this day great store of victuals for the Forts came
from the Newry with a convoy safely to the Campe. The
thirtieth day his Lordship rose with the Armie, and
marched Northward backe to the new Fort of Blackwater,
and beyond it, in all some three miles, along the South
side of the River, and there his Lordship incamped close
upon the Bogges and the Fastnesses (or fortified passages)
in the Wood. The same evening his Lordship drew
some choice men out of every Regiment, and some troopes in
of horse, and with them rode to view the Countrie, and
woody paces, more specially that pace which lay right
before us Northward, where the neerest and best passage
was to enter Tyrone, the Arch- tray tors chiefe house
Dungannon, being some tenne miles distant, to which,
414
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
after the passage of this pace and Blackwater, the plaine
Countrie lay open, yet being in some parts boggy. Here
Tyrones men lay intrenched on the other side of the
River, in such trenches as he had made to impeach the
building of our new Fort at Blackwater, and cowardly
quitted them (as is above mentioned.) The Rebels
bestowed some vollies of shot on his Lordships troopes,
but they returned safely, having onely one man hurt.
And here one of the three Trumpets in Tyrones pay, ran
from him to our Campe.
The one and thirtieth day his Lordship drew out (as
before) and that day and the first of August next follow-
ing, cut downe the Wood, to cleare the said pace, lying
betweene us and the said passage over Blackwater. And
this day the rebels attempted to cut off a guard, which
we had placed on a remote hill, to second the workemen
cutting the Wood, but were by them and the workemen
stoutly received, and by our seconds beaten backe.
At the same time, by accident we had almost lost all
our best horses : for at the Alarum given, the horses
being frighted with the skirmish, and with divers horse-
men hurrying out to answere the Alarum, broke their
headstals, and ran backe to Armagh, and some of the best
as farre as the Newry, whether our men following, did
recover them all : but had the rebels horsemen followed
them, no doubt they might have caught them, and
defeated our men loosely following them, and so by this
advantage have done us more mischiefe, then they could
otherwise have done with their forces doubled.
The second of August his Lordship with the Army
rose, and marched backe to Armagh, to the end he might
shun all paces, and from thence have an open passage into
Art Mac Barons Countrie. We marched sixe miles to
Armagh, and three to Rawlaghtany, where while we
incamped, Sir Henry Davers with three hundred foote,
and fortie horse, was sent into a Fastnesse to burne some
twentie faire timber houses ; which he performed ; and
about the time to set the watch, hee returned towards
415
An accident to
the hones.
Rebels houses
burned.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
The Earle of
Ormond's
success.
the Campe, and at his retreat all Tyrones Forces guarded
with three hundred horse, skirmished with our men, but
they seconded out of the Campe, came off orderly, the
rebels following them to our very Campe, into which they
powred a volley of shot, and by reason of the Fastnesses
adjoyning, and night approaching, retired in safety.
Here his Lordship was advertised, that the Earle of
Ormond had executed in the borders of Kilkenny and
Tiperary nine and twenty rebels, of which Tybot Leyragh
Butler, and David Bourke, and Ulicke Bourke, were the
chiefe, and that the Company under his Lordships com-
mand, had slaine eight and twentie, of which two princi-
pall men of the Omores, one Okelly, one Captaine
Edmund Roe Bourke, and one Richard Bourke, sonne to
Ulicke, were the chiefe.
The third of August we rose, and having marched
three miles backe, we incamped betweene the paces and
Armagh, a little beyond Armagh towards the North, to
the end our messengers and our convoyes for victuals
might more safely passe (which was the chiefe end of our
returning), and that we might have better grasse for our
horses, all the higher Country above, being eaten by
the rebels Creaghs (or cattell) ; and al the way we marched
the rebels in their fastnesses drew downe close by, and
followed us all the way, being very strong. Here the
Commissary tooke a view of the Army in field with his
Lordship.
Regiments.
The Army First, of Sir Benjamin Berry his Lordships Lieutenant
in the Fields of his foote, in List 825, by pole present in the Campe
490. 2. Regiment of Sir Oliver Saint Johns, in List
875, by Pole 533. 3. Regiment of Sir Hen. Folliot,
in List 500, by Pole 305. 4. Regiment of Sir Christo-
pher Saint Laurence, in Lyst, 750, by Pole 400. Totall
in List 2950, by Pole 1728.
[II. ii. 1 1 8.] Herein are not contained either Officers present, or the
sicke, or hurt, or upon other occasions absent. The
416
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
fourth day some Companies were drawne out to cut the
pace of Armagh, and the rebels being in sight, offered
not to skirmish with them. But towards night they drew
downe strong out of the woods, to an hill under which we
lay encamped in a faire meadow. They came with cries
and sound of Drummes and bagpipes, as if they would
attempt the campe, and powred into it some two or three
thousand shot, hurting onely two of our men. But his
Lordship commanding that none in the Campe should
stirre, had lodged in a trench some foure hundred shot,
charging them not to shoot till the rebels approached
neere. And after these our men had given them a volly
in their teeth, they drew away, and we heard no more of
their Drummes or Bagpipes, but onely mournefull cries ;
for many of their best men were slaine, and among the
rest one horseman of great accompt, and one Pierce Lacy
an Archrebell of Mounster. The next morning we found
some dead bodies at the skirt of the wood, and three
scattered peeces. Hence his Lordship sent direction to
Sir John Barkeley, to bring with him to the Campe a
regiment from the Annaly & Liscannon, because Tyrone
was growne strong by the comming to him of his
Mac Guire, and his Mac Mahownd, and of Cormocke
mac Baron, (comming to him from the frontires of
Loughfoyle). The fifth day his Lordship sent againe
some shot, with Pyoners, to cut the pace close by the
Rebels.
The sixth day his Lordship purposed to rise and meet
our Convoy bringing victuals from the Newry : but being
staied by ill weather, sent early some horse to stay the
Convoy, till his Lordship drew downe towards those parts.
This day his Lordship gave order to Master Treasurer,
that proportions of new monies should be sent to all the
Market Townes, to change the same for sterling, and that
Proclamations should be made in them to decry the old
sterling monies, and onely make the new to be currant.
The seventh his Lordship rose to draw towards the
Newry, and marching to Mount Norreis, encamped neere
m. ii 417 2 D
A.D.
l60I.
A skirmish.
Tyrone grown
strong.
Orders for
the new
monies.
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Arthur
Mac Gennis
pardoned.
Advertise-
ments of a
Spanish
landing
in Mounster.
i
the said Fort. The eight day his Lordship dispatched the
Earle of Clanrickard into Connaght, to command the
forces in those parts, having sent for Sir John Barkeley
to come with a regiment to the Campe. Here his Lord-
ship gave warrant for the passing of her Majesties pardon
for land, life, and goods, to Arthur Mac Gennis, chiefe
of his Sept, with some 170 followers.
Here his Lordship received letters out of England
from M r Secretary, signifying that the Lord President
had sent to her Majesty divers advertisements, that the
Spaniards would presently land in some part of Mounster,
from whence the Lord Deputy for necessity had lately
drawne one thousand foot and fifty horse into Connaght.
That her Majesty did well allow of his Lordships care
in drawing those men to that service, and not leesing the
present certainty for apprehension of the future, not so
assured. That it was probable that the King of Spaine
would doe something now at the upshot, and though it
was not credible, that he would send ten or twelve
thousand men into Ireland, yet since he had from
February last begunne a foundation to provide forces for
the Low-Countries or Ireland, as his affaires should
require : and since the Low-Country Army was rein-
forced by land out of Italy, her Majesty thought he might
with ease transport foure or five thousand men for Ireland,
and was like to doe it, and so he might for the time
turne the state of Ireland, would thinke them well
bestowed, if he should leese them all at the yeeres end.
That in this respect her Majesty had resolved to leavy
five thousand men to be in readines, and to send two
thousand of them presently for Mounster, to arrive there
by the tenth of this moneth ; so as if the Spaniards should
land, the Lord President might be enabled to keepe the
Provincials from revolt, till he the Lord Deputy might
come thither, and more forces might be sent out of
England ; and if they should not invade Ireland, then
his Lordship might keepe the one thousand he had drawne
from Mounster, to finish the worke whereof he had laide
418
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
an happy foundation, heartily wishing that his Lordship
might be the happy Instrument to save Ireland, to whom
he professed himselfe tied in most constant and honest
friendship, and praying his Lordship to esteeme these
ready seconds, besides the publike duty to proceed much
out of an extraordinary respect to his Lordship. That
for bestowing of the Companies to be sent into Mounster,
as he who was gone, (meaning as I thinke, the Earle of
Essex), made too great a Monopoly in bestowing all such
places himselfe, so now there was a great confusion, every
Lord importuning to preferre his friend and follower ;
but that for his part, he sought no mans preferrement
herein, but onely advised that those might be first
respected, which came over with the Lord Deputies recom-
mendations. That the Lord President had earnestly
moved him, and in good sort challenged to have hopes in
him for the procurement of some meanes to gratifie his
followers ; and had by other friends obtained of her
Majesty, that some of those Companies might be sent
over undisposed, and left to his disposall, to which he
the Secretary had given second, rather then that the places
should be bestowed in England, without any thankes
either to the Lord Deputy or Lord President. Protesting
that howsoever he loved the Lord President, he would
not scant his due respect to his Lordship, wherein he
thought to give him the least discontent. That he con-
ceived the Spaniards would not make discent at Corcke,
which Towne was not guardable when they had it. Nor
yet at Lymricke, though fit by the scituation, because an
enemy ingaged so farre into the Kingdome, could not
hope for supplies, when her Majesty should take due
resolution to oppose them. But rather judged Galloway
a fit place for their discent, giving commodity to joine
with the Northerne rebels, and seated in a Countrey all
out in rebellion. Or else Waterford, in respect of the
goodly River and the peoples affection to Spaine, advising
that the Fort of Dungannon should carefully be furnished
with a Commander, men, and necessaries. Lastly, that
419
A.D.
l60I.
[II. ii. I 19.]
Preferre-
ments.
Fit places for
the Spaniards
discent.
A.D.
1601.
News from
the Low
Countries.
Sir Henrie
Dockwra' s
want of
match.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Ostend was obstinately besieged by the Arch-Duke, with
thirteene thousand foote, and sixty peeces of battery ; and
howsoever the States had left two thousand Dutch there,
yet their Army being at Bercke, whence it would not be
raised, the Town had beene carried within ten daies, if
Sir Francis Vere had not throwne himselfe into it with one
thousand sixe hundred English, to whom her Majesty sent
one thousand men, and prepared to send 2000. more, to
succour the place, because part of the Army in Italy was
come downe to the Arch-Duke.
The ninth of August his Lordship & the Counsellors
present in the Campe, writ to the Lords in England.
That the Army had bin imployed in preparing her
Majesties Forts, & fitting them for the winter war, & in
the present spoyling of the rebels corne, (the only way
to ruine them), hoping to keep the army in field til
harvest were past ; so that it being impossible to cut all
their corne, our garrisons might have opportunity to
gather the rest, and the rebels might be hindred from
gathering any, except it were Tyrones corne neere Dun-
gannon, whereunto the passage was so difficult, as his
L p . for so little thought not good to hazard al, especially
since Sir Hen. Dockwra for want of Match (as he had
written) could not meete his Lordship in Tyrone, accord-
ing to their former project, whereof his Lordship not-
withstanding professed himselfe nothing sorrie, in regard
that meeting would have given the Arch-rebell power to
fling the Dice againe for recoverie of their fortune, &
that upon an unequall hazard, by setting his rest upon
either of them apart, divided into three bodies, under the
Lord Deputy, the said Sir Henrie Dockwra, and Sir
Arthur Chichester, even with the whole force of his
Northerne partakers, though his other friends further off
were kept from aiding him, by the disposall of our other
forces. That besides the spoyling of their corne, his
Lordship by search had found an easie way to passe to
Dungannon, which hitherto was never by any Guide
made knowne to us, & had cut down a broad pace, through
420
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
a thick Wood in two dayes labour, and so came to the
River, where he purposed, as soone as might be, to build
a Fort with a Bridge, there being from thence to Dun-
gannon lesse then foure miles, all in a plaine ; That this
would cut the Arch-traytors throat : for howsoever the
name of Oneale was so reverenced in the North, as none
could bee induced to betray him upon the large reward
set upon his head, yet when the hope of assistance from
Spaine should be taken away, they seeing their Corne
spoyled, and upon our expected supplies seeing us enter
Tyrone, could not but see their apparant confusion. That
howsoever this Summer few of their cowes had been taken
(which worke is more proper to the Winter warre), yet
they had been forced to feede them within their fastnesses,
which they used to keepe for feeding them in Winter, so
as they must either starve them by keeping them there
in winter, or hazard the taking of them by our Garrisons,
if they feede them abroad. That for the future service,
they besought againe to be inabled, by the sending of one
thousand shot out of England for supplies, and that the
rather, because Tyrone was very strong, as appeared by
a note delivered by Shane Mac Donnel Groome, who
having been Tyrones Marshall, was received to mercy the
seven and twenty of July, besides our experience of their
strength, when few daies since they powred three thousand
shot into our Campe, and could hardly be kept from
forcing it. So as our army consisting only of one
thousand seven hundred nintie eight by Pole, and more
then halfe of them being Irish, the speedy sending of
the supply was most necessarie. As also the sending of
munition and victuals, without which all this labour would
be lost, and the souldier forced, not onely to leave his
Garrison, but to live idly in the Pale upon the subject.
Lastly, that the Army (by Gods grace) had not had any
disaster, but burning their houses in the very Woods,
had still beaten the Rebels, few or no English being lost.
Together with these letters were sent divers notes of
victuals and munition remaining, and new stores to be
An easie way
found to passe
to Dungannon.
[II. ii. I 20.]
1000. shot
necessarie for
supplies.
421
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A note i
Tyrone',
forces.
sent over. And therewith was sent the above mentioned
note of Tyrones forces, as followeth.
A perfect note of such Captaines and Companies,
as are under the command of the Traitor
Tyrone, within Tyrone, not mentioning the
Chiefetaines, as O Donnel, O Cane, Mac Gire,
and the rest of the Ulster Lords, but onely such
as attend him in his Countrie.
Horse.
Tyrone for his Guard, ioo. hfis sonne Hugh Oneale,
ioo. His brother Cormock, ioo. Art Mac Baron, 20.
Phelim Ohanlons sonne, 10. Tirlogh Brasils sonnes, 50.
Con, Tyrones base sonne, 20. In all 400.
His Guard of Foote.
Led by James Osheale a Lemster man, 200. Led by
Jenkyn Fitz Simon of Lecayle, 200. In all 400.
Other Foote.
Hugh Mac Cawel, and two other Captaines under
Cormock, Tyrones brother, 600. Con, sonne to Art Mac
Baron, 100. Brian Mac Art, 200. Con, Tyrones base
sonne, 100. Mac Can, 100. Owen O Can, 100.
Donough Aferadogh Ohagan, 100. Owen Ohagan, 100.
Donnel Oneale for Owen Evalle O Neale, 100. Three
Brothers, Gillaspick Mac Owen, 100; Rory Mac Owen,
100; Randal Mac Owen, 100. Kedagh Mac Donnel,
100. Owen O Quin, 100. James O Hagan, 100.
Phelym Oge O Neale, 60. Tirlogh Brasills sonnes, 200.
Henry Wragton, 200. Henry Oge Mac Henrie Mac
Shane, 100. Tirlogh Con Mac Barons sonne, 100. Art
O hagan, sonne to Hugh, 100. Hugh Grome Ohagan
and his Cosin, 100. Donnel Grome Mac Edmund, 100.
Patrick Mac Phelim, 100. Gilleduff Mac Donnel, one of
Connaght, 100. In all 3260. Totall of Horse and
Foote, 4060.
422
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A. I).
1601.
All these (three hundred excepted) had meanes for
themselves and their companies within Tyrone, and divers
of them have great forces besides these, which they keepe
in their owne Countries for defence thereof.
This present ninth of August the Lord Deputie wrote
to Sir Robert Cecyll the Secretarie this following letter.
S ir, I received your letter of the five and twentie of
July, the fourth of this moneth, being in Campe neere
the place where the Marshall Bagnol was slaine. The
newes you received from the President of Mounster, of
Spanish succours, I doe find no waies more confirmed,
then by the assured confidence this people hath thereof,
out of the which they are growne from the most humble
begging of their peace, to exceeding pride, and the traytor
himselre so strong, as (beleeve me Sir) he hath many more
fighting men in his Army, then we. And yet we doe
not omit any thing of our purposes, but have since our
comming to this Camp, made that a faire way to Black-
water, which the Marshall shunned, when he was over-
throwne, and every day cut downe either his Woods or
his Corne in his sight, onely with some slight skirmishes,
in all which (God be thanked) we cannot say, we had any
disaster hitherto, but in all he loseth some of his best
men. I presume there could nothing be added to our
Counsell of the distribution of her Majesties forces :
but whether the fault hath been in the Commanders of the
severall parties, or in some impediments which they pre-
tend, I know not ; but wee receive little assistance by
any of them, and the whole brunt of the warre lieth upon
us. But out of the present judgement wee make of this
Countrie, wee have discovered, and directed Sir Arthur
Chichester a course, which if we may inable him to go
forward in, will, I hope, utterly banish Tyrone ; and
have found another way into his country, that if we can
but build a Fort, and make a passage over the River, we
shall make Dungannon a center, whether we may from all
parts draw together all her Majesties forces, and (as I
423
The Lord
Deputy' s
letter to Sir
Robert Cecyll.
[II. ii. 1 2 1 .]
A course
to banish
Tyrone.
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
1601.
presume) before this winters end, not leave a man in
the Country of Tyrone. Whatsoever others have under-
taken, I beseech you Sir to remember, that in all my
dispatches, I have declared, that the uttermost you could
Planting of looke from us in this Summers work, should be to plant
Garrisons. suc j 1 Garrisons as must take effect this next Winter, and
that we should proceed slowly, & come short of our
purpose, if we were not continually supplied with meanes,
and in time, of victuals and al kind of munitions. If
you have not been informed in due time of our wants,
I must excuse my selfe, that being continually imploied
in the active prosecution of as busie a warre as any is
in the World, and most commonly farre from Dublin,
where our Magazins are, I am driven in al the severall
kindes of our meanes, to appoint of the Counsell Com-
missioners, whom I have desired in my absence to informe
you of the estate of these things, and to solicite our
wants, having directed the particular Ministers of every
nature, to informe them of the remaines, and to deliver
them (to bee sent over) estimates, of what wee should
want. Onely in generall I have in all my dispatches
protested, that without sufficient supplies of these things,
wee should bee driven to sit still, and make all the rest
of her Majesties charge unprofitable. Sir, I cannot from
a quiet judgement make you a large and perfect discourse
at this time of our affaires, for I am continually full of
the present busines, and have so little rest, as sometimes
these rogues will keepe us waking all night : but in short,
I dare assure you, I see a faire way, to make Ulster one
of the most quiet, assured, and profitable Provinces, if
The the Spaniard doe not come. If they doe, I cannot say
Spaniards. w h at we shall fi rst re solve on, till by the event we see
their purpose ; for to provide for all places, that carrie
equall probabilitie of their undertaking, wee cannot,
neither can I put my selfe into any part of Ireland with
my chiefe strength, but I may happen to be as farre
from their discent, as I shall bee where now I am, which
maketh me the more loth to forgoe my hold in those
424
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND a.d.
1601.
parts, and yet for all occasions you must not imagine me
to be now in the head of a great Army, but of some
sixteene hundred fighting men, of whom there are not
halfe English, and upon the newes of Spanish succours,
I know few Irish that I can reckon ours. With this
Army I must make my retreat, which I resolved to have
left most part in Garrisons all this winter in these quarters ;
and in truth Sir, I cannot at this present thinke of a better
counsel, then that we might goe on with the warre
by these Garrisons against Tyrone, as wee were
determined, whether the Spaniards come or no, and to
make head against them, chiefely with meanes out of
England. By this course they shall give each other little
assistance, and if we doe but ruine and waste the traytors
this Winter, it will bee impossible for the Spaniards to
make this people live, by which course I presume it is
in her Majesties power to give the King of Spaine a
great blow, and to quit this Country of them for ever.
If in the checkes, the Queene doe not finde the weakenesse
of her Army, I disclaime from the fault ; for without a
wise honest Muster-master, of good reputation, to be
still present in the Army, the Queene in that kinde wil
never be well served, and upon those Officers that are,
I doe continually call for their care in that matter. If
according to our desire you had sent us one thousand
supplies of shot to the Newrie, it had advanced the service I 11 - “• I22 -l
more then I can expresse, but some you must needs send
us, to be able to leave those garisons strong in winter.
Most part of these troops I have here, are they that have
stricken all the blowes for the recoverie of the Kingdome,
and been in continuall action, and therefore you must
not wonder if they be weake. If Sir Henrie Dockwra
do not plant Ballishannon, I thinke it fit, that Sir Arthur
Chichester had a thousand men of his List, whom I hope
we would finde meanes to plant within foure or five miles
of Dungannon, and by boats victuall them commodiously.
I doe apprehend the consequence of that plantation to be
great : but till I heare from you againe, I wil take no men
425
A.D.
1601.
The nomina-
tion of
captaines.
Peirce Lacie
the most
dangerous
rebel of
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
from Loughfoyle, because I am loth to meddle much
with that Garrison without direction : but I beseech you
Sir by the next let me know your opinion.
I pray you Sir give me leave to take it unkindly of
my L. President to informe you, that Sir Hen. Dockwra
hath had greater favor in the nomination of Captaines
then he ; for he never placed but one, whom I displaced
after. To have some left to his nomination, is more
then I could obtaine, when the last supply came to me.
But since it is the Queenes pleasure, I must beare this
(and as I doe continually a great deale more) with patience.
And though I am willing you should know I have a
just feeling of these things, yet I beseech you Sir to
beleeve, that my meaning is not to contest, or to impute
the fault unto you, for (by God Sir) where I professe my
love in the same kind I have done to you, they shall
bee great matters that shall remove me, although they
may (and I desire that I may let you know when they
do) move me. I do only impute this to my misfortune,
that I perceive arguments too many of her Majesties
displeasure : but while for her owne sake she doth use
my service, I will love whatsoever I suffer for her, and
love the sentence, that I will force from the conscience
of all, and the mouth of the just, that I have been, and
will be, an honest, and no unprofitable servant unto her.
I dare undertake, we have rid my Lord President of the
most dangerous rebell of Mounster, and the most likely
man to have renewed the rebellion ; for that night I
received your letters, the rogues did powre above three
thousand shot into our Campe, at which time it was our
good fortune to kill Peirce Lacie, and some other of
their principall men. Wee are now praying for a good
wind, for wee are at our last daies bread, if victuals come
in time, we will not be idle. Sir, if I have recommended
any into England, I am sure it was for no charge ; for
I know none that have gone from hence but there are
many that continue here more worthy of preferment then
they, therefore I pray Sir let them not be reckoned mine,
426
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
that there challenge any thing for me, but whatsoever
shall please their Lordships, I must be contented withall,
and it shall not much trouble mee, for I meane not to
make the warres my occupation, and doe affect asmuch
to have a great many followers, as to bee troubled with
a kennel of hounds. But for the Queenes sake, I would
gladly have her served by such, as I know to be honest
men, and unhappy is that Generali, that must fight with
weapons of other mens choosing. And so Sir, being
ashamed that I have troubled you so long, I desire you
to be assured, that no man shall love you more honestly
and faithfully, then my selfe.
From the Campe neere Mount Norreys this ninth of
August, 1601.
Yours Sir most assured to
doe you service
Mountjoy.
Touching the above mentioned distaste betweene the
Lord Deputy and the Lord President of Mounster, his
Lordship shortly after, wrote a letter to him, resenting
himselfe in very high tearmes, of the wrong he conceived
to be offered him, as followeth in his Lordships letter.
M Y Lord, as I have hitherto borne you as much [II. ii. 123.
affection, and as truely as ever I did professe it i etter t0 the
unto you, and I protest rejoyced in all your good successes Lord
as mine owne ; so must you give me leave, since I President of
presume I have so just cause, to challenge you of unkind- cu " s r '
nes & wrong, in writing into England, that in preferring
your followers, Sir Henry Dockwra hath had more power
from me then your selfe, and consequently to solicite
the Queene to have the nomination of some Captaines
in this Kingdome. For the first I could have wished
you would have beene better advised, because upon my
Honour he never, without my speciall warrant, did
appoint but one, whom I after displaced ; & I do not
remember that ever since our comming over, I have denied
427
A.D.
1601.
Letter to the
Lord
President of
Mounster.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
any thing, which you have recommended unto me, with
the marke of your owne desire to obtaine it, and in your
Province I have not given any place (as I thinke) but at
your instance. For the other, I thinke it is the first
example, that ever any under another Generali desired or
obtained the like sute. And although I will not speake
injuriously of your deserts, nor immodestly of mine owne,
yet this disgrace cannot make me beleeve that I have
deserved worse then any that have beene Generals before
me : but since it is the Queenes pleasure, I must endure
it, and you chuse a fit time to obtaine that, or any thing
else against me. Yet I will concurre with you in the
service, as long as it shall please her Majesty to imploy
us here : but hereafter I doubt not but to give you satis-
faction that I am not worthy of this wrong. The Counsel
& my self, upon occasion of extraordinary consequence,
sent for some of the Companies of Mounster out of
Connaght, when we heard you were to be supplied with
two thousand out of England, but we received from them
a flat deniall to come, and the coppy of your letter to
warrant them therein. If you have any authority from
the Queene to countermand mine, you may very well
justifie it, but it is more then you have vowed to me to
have, when I (before my comming over) protested unto
you, that if you had, I would rather serve the Queene
in prison, then here. My Lord, these are great disgraces
to me, and so conceived, and I thinke justly, by all that
know it, which is and will be very shortly all Ireland.
My alleagiance and owne honour are now ingaged with all
my burthens, to goe on in this worke, otherwise no feare
should make me suffer thus much ; and what I doe, it
is onely love doth move me unto it : for I know you
are deere to one, whom I am bound to respect with extra-
ordinary affection. And so my Lord I wish you well,
and will omit nothing (while I am in this Kingdome) to
give you the best contentment I can, and continue as,
Your assured friend,
Mountjoy.
428
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
The Lord President within few daies, not onely with
a calme, noble, and wise, answere, pacified his Lordships
anger ; but also by many good Offices betweene his Lord-
ship and Master Secretary, (with whom as a most inward
friend hee had great power) so combined their new
begunne love, as hee ingaged his Lordship in a great bond
of thankefulnes to him.
The eleventh of August, his Lordship wrote to the
Governour of the Newry, that to avoid the continuall
trouble of Convoyes hereafter, he should presently send
up as great provision of victuals to Armagh as possibly
he could, while his Lordship lay in that part with the
Army : For two daies after, by reason of much raine
falling, and the expecting of these victuals, his Lordship
lay still in the Campe neere Mount Norris. The
thirteenth the victuals came, but not in such great propor-
tion as was directed, because the victuler had failed to
bake great part of his meale, and the Cowes expected
from Dundalke, were not yet sent by the Submitties,
according to their promise. The same day his Lord-
ship rose, and incamped three miles short of Armagh.
The foureteenth his Lordship rose with the Army, and
put all the victuals he had received into the Abbey of
Armagh and the Fort of Blackewater, and returned back
to the same camping place. The fifteenth his Lordship
drew backe to his former Campe, neere Mount Norreis,
and sent out some Companies of Horse and Foote to
the skirts of the wood neere the Fort, to guard those
that cut wood for making of Carres, to transport more
victuals to the said garrisons. The sixteenth his Lordship
drew backe to Carickbane, neere the Newry, to hasten
the provision of victuals, in as great quantity as might
be, which was dispatched within few dayes. The twenty
three his Lordship wrote the following letter to M r
Secretary.
S ir I did ever foresee, and have signified so much, that
any forraine succours would cleane alter the State of
this Kingdome, and the whole frame of our proceedings,
429
A.D.
l60I.
Provision of
victuals to
Armagh.
[II. ii. 124.]
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
and doe find that the assurance that these people doe now
receive thereof, doth make them stand upon other termes
then they were wont, and much divert our purposes,
which we had conceived with good reason and great hope.
The state of Of any but the English we have small assurance, and
the country. Army is exceeding weake. The Irish newly
submitted, & their wavering faith hitherto we have used
to great effect : for we have wasted them, and the rebels
by them, but when we come to lay our Forces in remote
garrisons, they flie the hardnes of that life, and doe
againe betake themselves unto any head that is of power
to spoile, and with the best paid and prevailing party
they will ever be. I am certainely told by Sir John
Spaniards Barkely, that some Spaniards that arrived at Sligo (as
arrived at t jjgy sa y to discover, and with assurance of the present
comming of a great force,) doe there fortifie, and (as he
hath been more particularly informed) not in a compasse
only capeable of themselves, but in such sort as it will be
able to lodge great numbers. This, (& my being pre-
vented to follow my purposes in these parts as I would,)
draweth me into the Pale, to advise of the best assurance
for the maine, and yet not to quit my purposes in such
sort in these parts ; but if the Spaniards doe not come,
I may againe look this way with my former desire, which
was to beat the chiefe Traitor cleane out of his Countrey :
for untill that be done, there will be ever left a fier, which
upon all occasions will breake out more and more
violently. When I have spoken with the rest of the
Counsell, and considered more neerely the disposition of
these inward parts, I will more largely relate unto you
my opinion, neither will I now much trouble you with
my owne estate, although not onely my selfe, but (I
protest) the service doth feele the effect of a general
conceived rumour of her Majesties displeasure to me. I
am so neerely interessed therein ; that I cannot speak
much of that matter, without the prejudice of a private
respect to my selfe : but onely this, I most humbly desire
her Majestie for her owne sake to use me no longer here,
43 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
then shee thinketh me fit to be trusted and graced ; for
without both, I shal but strive against the wind and tide,
and be fit for nothing but my owne poore harbour, unto
the which I most humbly desire to be speedily called
with her gracious favour, since my owne conscience
maketh me presume to desire so much, that best doth
know with how untollerable labour of minde and body,
I have and doe continually serve her. And so Sir I
beseech God to send you as much contentment as I doe
want. The 23 of August 1601.
Yours Sir to doe you
service, Mountjoy.
The fortifying of the Spaniards at Sligo, vanished with
the rumour, which was grounded upon some arriving,
to bring the Rebels certaine newes of present succours,
and presently returning. And the brute (or perhaps his
Lordships jealousie) of her Majesties displeasure, arose
from the confessions of some examined, about the rash
attempts of the unfortunate Earle of Essex, who had
accused the Lord Deputy to be privy to that project.
His Lordship purposing to draw into the Pale (or parts
neere Dublyn), left his forces in the North, (for those of
Loughfoyle had not yet correspondency with these), in
this following manner disposed.
At Carickefergus. The disposal
Sir Arthur Chichester Governour 200. Sir Foulke °- f the f orces ‘
Conway 150. Captaine Billings 150. Captaine Phillips
150. Captaine Norton 100. Captaine Egerton 100.
Foot 850.
Sir Arthur Chichester 25. Captaine John Jephson 100.
Horse 125.
At Lecaile.
Sir Richard Moryson Governour 150. Captaine Toby
Cawfield 150. Foot 300.
These following forces, when they should be drawne [II. ii. 125.]
out, for convoy of victuals or otherwise, were to be com-
43i
a.d. FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
IOOI.
The disposal manded in chiefe by Sir Francis Stafford, and were thus
of the forces, disposed in severall garrisons.
At the Newry.
Sir Francis Stafford Governour 200. Captaine Josias
Bodley 150. Sir William Warren 100. Foot 450. Sir
Francis Stafford 50 Horse.
An English-
man sent in
Bonds to the
Lords in
England.
At Mount Norreis.
Captaine Edward Blaney Governour 150. Captaine
Atherton 1 50. Sir Samuell Bagnoll 1 50. Captaine
Rotheram 150. Foot 600. Sir Samuell Bagnoll 50
Horse.
At Armagh.
Sir Henry Davers Governour 150. Sir H. Follyot
150. Capt. Guest 150. Capt. Thomas Roper 150.
Captaine Francis Roe 100. Capt. Trever 100. Foot 800.
Sir Henry Davers 100. Captaine Darcy 25. Horse
125.
At Blackewater.
Captaine Williams Governour 150. Captaine Con-
stable 100. Sir Garret Moore 100. Foot 350.
The twenty foure of August, his Lordship leaving the
field, rode backe to the Newry, from whence he sent one
W. an Englishman in bonds to the Lords in England,
for the reasons following. Sir Henry Davers after his
elder brothers perishing in the late Earle of Essex his
attempt, was desirous by active prosecution of the Rebels,
to deserve her Majesties good opinion. And for this
cause, as for that hee was enabled to doe great services,
aswell by his noble vertues, as by the command he
formerly and now had both of horse and foot ; his Lord-
ship in speciall love to him, being most willing to give
him all opportunity to attaine this his desire, appointed
him Governour of Armagh, advising him to be often
stirring with the forces under his command, and to practise
what possibly he could devise upon the person of the
432
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
Arch-traitor. To him this Englishman made offer to kill
Tyrone, yet would not discover his plot for greater secrecy
(as he pretended), neither would he presse him further,
since he required no assistance ; and so in the night he
was suffered to goe by the watches, and passed to Tyrones The English-
Campe, whence he was imploied to the Ilander Scots, man's brag.
and comming to Sir Arthur Chichesters hands, was by
him sent backe from Knockefergus to his Lordship at
the Newry, where being examined what he had done in
Tyrones Campe, he avowed that once he had drawne
his sword to kill him, though under pretence of bragging
what he would doe for his service, yet gave he no good
accompt of his actions or purposes, but behaved himselfe
in such sort, as his Lordship judged him franticke, though
not the lesse fit for such a purpose. Now because hee
had not performed that he undertooke, and gave an ill
accompt of himselfe in this action ; his Lordship, aswell
for the discharge of Sir H. Davers, who imploied him,
as of himselfe who consented thereunto, and advised Sir
H. Davers so to doe, thought good to send him prisoner
to the Lords, that he might be there examined, where by
reason of his friends dwelling in London, they might be
sufficiently informed of the mans quality.
The five and twentieth, his Lordship and the Counsel
there present, wrote from the Newry this following letter
to the Lords in England.
I T may please your Lordships. ■ Since our last letters
we have for the most part imploied our selves in
putting up as great quantity of victuals as we could to
Armagh and the Blackewater, being loath to ingage our
selves into any thing, which wee had further purposed,
untill we should see the issue of this assured expectation
of the Spaniards invasion, or till we might by some
meanes better strengthen this Army. Of the first we
have reason to be jealous, both by many arguments of
assured confidence in this people of present succour, and [II. ii. 126.]
by the arrivall of a Spanish ship, in which the Arch-
m. n 433 2 E
A.D.
1601.
Distribution
of the Forces.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
traytors agent is returned, with assurance that he left
the Spanish forces ordained for his aide in a readinesse
to set out. For the strengthening of our Armie wee
had good reason to bee provident, considering the weake-
nesse thereof, and especially of the English, and finding
by experience the rebels strength now, when he had none
but the forces nourished in Tyrone to assist him. Where-
fore hearing that Sir Henrie Dockwra had planted a
Garrison at Dunnagall, and had left O Donnel possessed
in a manner of nothing in Tirconnel, and that upon the
late arivall of his munition, he intended to be active in
those parts neere Loughfoyle, and understanding by
Master Secretary, that about the twelfth of August there
were two thousand men to be supplied for Mounster, we
resolved to send for some of the Companies in Connaght
of the Mounster Lyst, and to put the rest into Galloway
and thereabouts, for the assurance of those parts, and
upon the receiving of that addition to our strength, to
have drawne to Monaghan, and spoiled the Corne of that
Country, being of exceeding quantitie, or if we had seene
reason, to have left a Garrison there, and to have inabled
it to gather the most part of that Corne for their better
provision, or otherwise to have continued the prosecution
in these parts, until we should heare of the Spaniards
landing, or by any assurance of their not comming, should
be at liberty to proceede in our former purposes. But
receiving answere from the Captaines of Mounster, that
they had direction not to stirre from Connaght upon any
other order whatsoever, then from the President of
Mounster, in regard of the present expectation of
Spaniards to land in those parts : and we thereby being
not so well able to wade any further in our determinations
for the North, & receiving some probable intelligence,
that the place designed for the Spaniards landing was
Sligo, wee resolved to leave the Northerne Garrisons very
strong in foote and horse, and as well provided with
meanes as we can, and to draw our selves with the rest
of our force towards Connaght, appointing the rest of
434
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
the Counsel to meete us in the way at Trym, to advise
with us of the best course to establish the heart of the
Pale, and to answere the present expectation of Spanish
forces. And although by our suddaine leaving the North,
we have ommitted some things which wee conceived to
bee of great consequence to the service, yet if it shall
please your Lordships to supply the foundations we have
laid in those parts with one thousand shot, according to
our former sute, and with store of victuals for the
Garrisons in Winter, we hope you shall finde no small
effect of our Summers labour. But seeing we are per-
swaded, that if any Spanish forces arrive, they wil land
at Sligo, where they have a fit place to fortifie, to be
relieved by sea, to unite themselves with all the Rebels
force, and where they have a faire Countrie to possesse,
with an easie way (by the rebels assistance) into Mounster,
or the hart of the Pale, or especially to Loughfoyle, where
we cannot, without great difficulty, affront them, having
no magazins of victuals or munition at Athlone or Gallo-
way, and where it is unpossible for us to provide our
selves, or if we could, most difficult to carrie them by
land, when we are so farre in the Countrie, and have no
meanes for carriage. Therefore we most humbly desire
your Lordships to send good store of victuals and
munition to Galloway, and to Lymbrick, which howso-
ever our expectation fall out, will be most necessarie for
the prosecution of Connaght, and that prosecution as
necessarie this Winter, since O Donnel hath forsaken his
owne Countrie, and betaken himselfe to live in that
Province. But because we doe foresee it to be no ill
Counsel for the Spaniards to land at Sligo, and think
that Tyrone will presently urge them to cut off our
Garrison at Loughfoyle, whether from thence they have
a faire way, and secure from our opposition, and may
imagine, that it will be no great difficulty for them with
such royall provisions as they wil bring, to force those
slender fortifications. We beseech your Lordships to
send a large provision of victuals and munition to Carling-
435
A.D.
1601.
Good store
of victuals
needed for
Galloway and
Lymbrick.
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
[II. ii. 127.]
The war re to
be prosecuted
in the Winter.
Neede of
Northerne
horses.
The Soldiers
weake.
ford and Knockfergus ; for we cannot by any other way
then that relieve Loughfoyle if it be distressed. Neither
can her Majestie hazard any losse in these great provisions,
though we never use them ; for all kinde of victuals may
be issued in this Kingdome with great gaine, and especially
Corne, which we chiefely desire ; and for munition, it
may be kept with providence as a store for all occasions.
Thus howsoever it fall out, we shall be inabled to make
such a prosecution this Winter in Connaght and the
North, as in all reason will ende these warres, if the
Spaniards come not, and will leave this Province of Ulster
in farre greater subjection, then ever any of her Majesties
Progenitors had it. And since wee apprehend, that
Spaine may make in this Countrie a dangerous warre for
England, we conceive that if not now, yet with his first
abilitie, he will imbrace it, which makes us to have the
greater desire (if it bee possible) to prevent his footing
here for ever, and that (by Gods help) we hope to do
before this next Summer, if we may be inabled this winter
to ruine Tyrone and O Donnel. We have great neede
of one hundred Northerne horses, for our horses here
grow weak, and ill, and if your Lordships please to afford
us that number, we will so handle the matter, as it shall bee
no increase of the Lyst. If the Spaniards come, we must
have at the least three hundred, and if they be Northerne
horses, and Northerne Riders, we assure our selves they
will be much fitter for this service, then such as are usually
sent hither, who come with purpose to get licence to
returne, and yet are a greater charge to her Majesty. But
for the one thousand foote wee desired by our former
letters, we find their comming to be of that necessitie,
as wee must bee most humble and earnest sutors to your
Lordships to send them presently : for our Companies
are so exceeding weake, and now decay so fast, by the
extremitie of the weather, as a much greater number will
not supplie us, but that the checkes will bee as great as
now they are, and they little be seene amongst us, which
gives us cause to wish now, and humbly to move your
43 6
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
Lordships, to be pleased to send one thousand foote more
soone after. The reports here are so uncertaine, as untill
we meete the rest of the Counsell at Trym, we know not
how the Pale stands affected, upon this assured confidence
of the Spaniards comming, onely this we perceive, many
of them are wavering, yet the Lords hereabouts, namely,
Mac Gennis, Tirlogh Mac Henrie, Euer Mac Cooley,
and O Hanlon, keepe with us, notwithstanding that
Tyrone hath sent them word, that hereafter it will bee
too late for them to make their peace with him, if they
doe it not now upon this occasion, and they assure us,
as much as men can doe, that they will not fall againe
from their obedience, though thereby their state bee no
better then horseboyes. But of this wee can give your
Lordships no assurance, neither in them have wee any
extraordinarie confidence. It may further please your
Lordships to be advertised, that the Lord of Dunsany, The Lord of
having the command of a Fort in the Brenny, called Dunsany' s
Liscanon (where wee had placed certaine Irish Companies, msha P-
as fittest to spoile and wast the Countrie thereabouts), did
lately draw most of them into Mac Mahowns Countrie,
for the taking of a prey, which they lighted on, (as is
said) to the number of some sixteene hundred Cowes :
but in their returne, being hardly laied unto, (as some
of them say, with very great numbers, yet as we have
heard by some that were present, not above sevenscore),
they did not only lose their prey, but according to the
manner of the Irish (who have no other kind of retreat)
fell to a flat running away to the Fort, so as poore Captaine
Esmond (who had the command of the Reare, and very
valiantly with a few made good the place) was sore hurt,
and afterwards taken prisoner, and forty or fiftie of our
side slaine. We cannot learne that any English were
among them, so as we account our losse to be no more
then the taking of the Captaine, neither doe the Rebels
bragge thereof, both because they scaped not free, loosing
very neere as many men as wee did ; and for that they
knew they dealt but with their Countrimen, who (as
437
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Letters from
the Lord
President.
[II. ii. 128.]
James the
Suggon and
Florence Mac
Carty sent
into England.
they doe) hold it no shame to runne, when they like not
to fight, though wee meane to call some of ours to account
thereof. And so we most humbly take leave.
The eight and twentieth of August, his Lordship
received two letters from the Lord President of Moun-
ster ; the first imported, that hearing that his Lordship
had sent into Connaght for part of the Companies of the
Mounster Lyst to come into the North, he prayed to
bee excused, that hee had given contrary directions, upon
feare of the Spaniards landing, & the knowledge of Tirrels
purpose to come with the banished Mounster men, and
aides of Northerne men out of Connaght, presently to
disturbe the Province of Mounster, and signified, that
now to manifest his precise obedience to his Lordships
commands, hee had sent them directions to march towards
his Lordship upon sight of his letter, yet praying his
Lordship to send some part of them into Munster, with-
out which helpe he could neither keepe the field against
Tirrel and the Provinciall fugitives at their first entrie,
nor upon the Spaniards arrivall, give any impediment to
their disposing of such Townes, as were recommended to
his speciall care, and assuring his Lordship that the
Spaniards had been seene at Sea, and that in his judgement
and by vulgar report, it was likely they would make
discent in some part of Mounster. Lastly, advertising
that he had sent James the Suggon pretended Earle of
Desmond, and Florence Mac Carty (the chiefe practiser
with the Spaniards in those parts) into England. The
second letter imported the Lord Presidents recommenda-
tion (which by established course was effectuall) to his
Lordship, for the granting of her Majesties pardon for
lands lives and goods, to five hundred fortie two inhabit-
ants of Muskery, and other parts in the Countie of Corke,
for which present warrant was accordingly given.
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship came to
Trym, where the Counsellers comming from Dublin met
him, according to appointment. Heere they consulted
of the publike affaires, more particularly how that part
433
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
of the Army within Lemster, might be employed to
prosecute Tirrel, sent by Tyrone to disturbe that Province,
and yet to be ready upon any sudden occasion to make
head against the forraigne enemie. And the advertise-
ments being daily multiplied, that the Spaniards were at
Sea, it was concluded, that in regard these forces were not
able to answer both, or either the ends aforesaid, great
part of the Army in Ulster should be drawne downe,
and both forces joyned, should assayle Tirrel, who came
to insult over the subjects, and to draw them to rebellion,
but especially the late Submitties, whom by many promises
and threatnings he had tempted to a relapse, but prevailed
not with them. And his Lordship resolved, by his
presence to give a sharper edge to this service, till either
hee should be called, to affront the Spaniards landing,
or to draw backe into the North, if they landed not.
The third of September his Lordship and the Counsell
here wrote unto the Lords in England, excusing that the
extraordinary expences had farre passed the limited sum
of sixe thousand pound yeerely, which was farre too little,
for the transportation of victuals, carriage of munition,
charges and imprests to victualers, rewards to messengers,
and for speciall services, making of boats, and things of
like necessitie, and the repairing of Castles, Houses,
Bridges, Forts, and all buildings. In which last charge,
they had not been able fitly to repaire Athlone Castle,
the Key of Connaght, nor the Castles and Bridges of
Carlogh and Laughlin, and the Forts of Phillipstowne and
Maryburgh, being of great consequence, to curbe the
Traytors, and assure the subjects, and the decay whereof
would give the rebels free passage into many Countries,
besides our dishonour to neglect those places, which the
wisedome of former times with great policie planted ; the
great charge of repairing whereof, appeared by the trans-
mitted certificats of Commissioners appointed to view
these places. And for these reasons they besought her
Majesties warrant, to leave this charge to their discretion
for a time, without any limitation, promising not to
439
A.D.
1601.
Advertise-
ments of the
Spaniards.
Athlone
Castle the
Key of
Connaght.
A.D.
1601.
The
Spaniards
discovered.
[II. ii. 1 29.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
inlarge the same in any thing, which might be spared,
without apparant prejudice to her service, and giving their
opinion, that in this time of the new coine, these places
might be repaired with small charge. Likewise they
desired to have great store of munition and victuals sent
over, and that presently, to prevent the usuall contrarietie
of winds after Michaelmas, and all the Winter season.
Lastly, they desired to have the one thousand shot
presently sent over, for which they had formerly written ;
the Army consisting in great part of Irish, which could
not be kept to live in Garrison out of their owne Countrie.
And they advertised the Lords, that divers of the horse
at twelve pence per diem had quit their pay, being not
able to live thereupon in those deare times.
This third of September likewise his Lordship received
letters from her Majestie, giving warrant for the pay of
two thousand men sent into Mounster, being above the
Establishment. The same day his Lordship received
letters from Sir Robert Cecyll Secretarie, that the Spaniards
were discovered neere the Silly, and as hee thought they
would land at Lymrick, being fortie five sayle, whereof
seventeene were men of warre, whereof sixe were Gallions,
the rest of one hundred, or one hundred and fifty tunnes
burthen, and had in them sixe thousand souldiers, praying
his Lordship to demand such supplies as he thought need-
full, and upon the Spaniards landing, to name the places
whether the supplies should be sent, and assuring his
Lordship that the two thousand men for Mounster were
already imbarked.
The same time his Lordship received letters from the
Lords in England, importing her Majesties acceptance of
his service, with her willingnesse and theirs to send him
needefull supplies, , praying him to demand them timely,
because hee could hardly receive them from England in
sixe weekes after the demand, the wind standing favour-
able. Likewise professing that it is the fault of the
Commissioners and Commissaries for victuals, if there be
any want thereof, since the proportions required by them
440
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
were arrived in Ireland ; as likewise that the souldier
made not some part of provision for victuals by mony
(especially in parts neere the sea, and like places, where
victuals were to be bought), since by these great pro-
visions of victuals in England with sterling mony, her
Majesty lost the third part of the profit she hoped to
make by the new standard of Ireland, & which might
be made, if vittels were provided by the souldier in
Ireland, having full pay in that mixed mony. Also adver-
tising, that her Majestie had sent for Ireland twenty lasts
of Powder, with all munitions in proportion necessary,
halfe by land, and (for sparing of carriage) halfe by Sea,
praying that care might be had in issuing thereof, since
they were informed, that great wast thereof had been
formerly made, by the Irish bands, converting the Powder
to their private gaine, and by the whole army, under
pretence of her Majesties remittall of Powder spent in
service (which had been defalked out of the souldiers pay,
but was after held an hard course, to punish them for their
good deserts), now charging upon her Majestie all wilfull
and fraudulent consumptions of Powder. Further signi-
fying, that Sir Henrie Dockwra his failing in correspon-
dency with his Lordship this Summer, for want of match,
was distastfull to them, had he not made amends by
surprizing of Donnegall, which would facilitate the plant-
ing of Ballishannon. That her Majesty referred the
garrison of Loughfoyle wholly to his Lordships direction,
and the transposing any part thereof to the inabling of
Sir Arthur Chichester at Knockfergus, the charge of that
garrison being exceeding burthensome to her Majesty, by
reason that Coast in Winter is so subject to stormes, and
for that it was supplied with all provisions out of England
bought with sterling money, and small quantity of the
Irish mixed monies could be there issued to any such
purpose, in which regard her Majesty wished that the
Irish in those parts (in whose service no profit was found)
should either be cast, and pensions of mixed monies given
to the chiefe Lords, or at least should receive no victuals
441
A.D.
1601.
Powder and
munitions for
Ireland.
a.d.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Coiners to be
executed.
[II. ii. 130.]
out of the stoare, but have their full pay in that standard,
to provide therewith for their Companies. Touching the
expected landing of the Spaniards, their Lordships being
of opinion that they would presently land in Mounster,
advertised his Lordship, that two thousand men were
imbarked for that Province, and two thousand more
should be readie within twentie daies at the Sea-side,
to come where his Lordship should direct them. Touch-
ing the exception above mentioned which his Lordship
had taken, that part of the Officers for the Companies
sent into Mounster were left to the *Lord Presidents
disposall, and all the rest were bestowed in England,
their Lordships professed, that as in all circumstances of (in
honour and contentment, they desired to respect his Lord-
ship, so they praied him to consider, that it stood with
the reputation of a Counsel of State, to conferre some
such imploiments, and keepe men of quality at Court,
to be upon all occasions used in her Majesties service,
wherein notwithstanding they had preferred few or none,
who had not his Lordships letters of recommendations to
that Board, and now referred them all to bee continued or
cassed at his pleasure. Lastly, whereas their Lordships
were informed, that some were apprehended in Ireland for
coining of the new mixed monies, they signified her
Majesties pleasure, that those men should be executed, the i
rather to prevent the great inconvenience might arise, in
maintaining the exchange for such counterfet monies, and |$
otherwise.
The fourth of September his Lordship wrote from
Trym to Sir Robert Cecyll the following letter. ft
S IR at my comming into these parts, I found them
not so distempered as I was borne in hand I should,
so as I make no doubt at all, but if the Spaniards doe
not come, I shall be able to give her Majesty a good
accompt of my charge here ; and I am not out of hope,
but rather of opinion, since they have staied so long,
that they will not come this Winter, though I desire not
442
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
to leade you into that conceit, nor omit not my selfe to
provide for the worst may happen : and therefore have
sent Master Marshall towards Leax, with almost a
thousand foot and some horse, both to be neere the Lord
President of Mounster, for what may fall out that way,
and to prosecute Tyrrell in the meane while, who with
some two hundred Rogues is gotten thither, and with
the remaine of the Moores, Connors, and their followers,
whom I could not cut off the last yeere, are altogether
drawne to be above foure hundred. For Connaght, I have Connaght.
appointed Sir Oliver Lambert, with as many Companies
as I can spare him, untill I may understand her Majesties
further pleasure, because I know him to be very active,
and find a necessity to imploy some forces that way, so
long as the brute of the Spaniards comming doth con-
tinue ; especially now, that Odonnell doth make his
residence in that Province about Sligo, and might other-
wise doe what hee list without impeachment. For my
selfe, I thinke it fittest to stay hereabouts a while, for
from hence I may aptly draw towards Mounster or Con-
naght as need requires, or fall backe towards the North,
so soone as we can gather any certainty of the Spaniards
not comming. And if we may be supplied with the
1000 shot, so earnestly desired by our former letters, (and
without which, our foundation will be in a manner over-
throwne), to strengthen the English Companies here, (I
assure you) growne exceeding weak, (otherwise I would
not put her Majesty to that charge) ; I make no doubt
but we shall be able to doe her Majesty that service there
this Winter, (those shot being landed at Carlingford or
the Newry, with the victuals, munition, and other meanes
desired), that the Spaniards shall not from thenceforth
be able to get footing, to doe us any great annoyance,
especially if it would please you to procure, for an addition
to the rest two hundred shot to be sent for the supplying
of Sir Arthur Chichester at Carickefergus : for from
that place we have discovered such an entrance into the
heart of Tyrone, as in all likelihood will soon ruine that
443
a.d.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
2000. men
arrived in
Ireland.
[II. ii. 1 3 1 .]
Arch-Traytor, if Sir Arthur may be enabled with meanes,
as from me he shall not want what I can yeeld him. I
have here inclosed sent a note, that you may see how the
garrisons are planted North-wards, and who it is that
commands in each of them, in the absence only of Sir
Francis Stafford, for he hath the chiefe command over
them, as the best meane to make them joine upon all
occasions of the service.
The ninth of September his Lordship received adver-
tisement from the Lord President, that the two thousand
men embarked in England for Mounster, were arrived,
part in Corkharbour, part at Waterford, of which com-
panies some were left by the Lords of her Majesties
Counsell, in their directions to his disposall, but he left
them to his Lordships pleasure, knowing the duety he
ought to his Generali. And whereas the Lords of the
Counsell, in the same letters gave directions that the foot
Companies of the Lord President and Earle of Thomond,
being each 1 50, should be increased each to two hundred,
the Lord President avowed that it was obtained by the
said Earle, joyning him for countenance of the sute,
altogether without his privity, which he praied his Lord-
ship to beleeve : for since his Lordship had promised that
favour to him upon the first occasion, he protested that
he never had any thought to make so needlesse a request
in England. Therewith hee sent his Lordship the list
of the said Companies newly arrived, being one thousand
foure hundred under foureteen Captaines named in
England, one hundred for the increase of the Lord Presi-
dents and Earle of Thomonds foot Companies, and
five hundred which hee the Lord President, by vertue of
the Lords letters, (the Lord Deputy pleasing to give his
admission) assigned to five Captaines, being in all two
thousand foot.
His Lordship having disposed the forces as is above
mentioned, and written from Trym to the Lord President,
desiring him to meet him upon the borders of Lemster,
meaning Kilkenny, as the fittest place for that meeting,
444
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
tooke his journey thitherward, and arriving at Kilkenny
the thirteenth of September, the same night received
advertisement from the Lord President, that the Spaniards
were met at Sea, bearing for Ireland, and therein (as he
was informed) for Mounster, so that he craved pardon
that hee came not to meete his Lordship, whose pleasure
hee conceived to bee, that in this case hee should not be
absent from those parts, where the enemies discent was
expected ; and he further prayed his Lordship so to
fashion his affaires in Lemster and the North, as the
forces he meant to bring might be in readinesse ; withall
protesting, that he staied only for a second direction, which
if he received, he would come without delay to his
Lordship.
The next day his Lordship wrote the following letter
to Sir Robert Cecyll her Majesties Secretarie.
S ir, having left the Northerne borders as well guarded,
as in providence I could, the command wherof I left
to Sir Joh. Barkeley, and having sent Sir Oliver Lambert
into Connaght to settle those parts, & Sir Rich. Wingfeild
the Marshal into Leax, to prosecute Tirrel with his
adherence, I wrote to the President of Mounster to meete
me about Kilkenny, if hee conveniently might, with a
desire to establish a full correspondencie for the resistance
of forraine forces, if they should arrive, or otherwise for
making the warres in all parts this Winter, the rather
because I know not how (for the present) Galloway, and
consequently Asherawe (if it be planted) might be supplied
of munition and some other provisions, but out of, and
by Mounster : & further my being in those parts seeming
to me of no small purpose, to devide the Birnes and
Cavenaghs from holding intelligence, or joining with
Tyrrel, & to nourish the overture I have lately entertained
from O.M.S. the chiefe of the Moores, to bring me Tirrel
alive or dead, which he desires should passe as a secret
between only me, himself, and Omoloy, to whom he
hath already given a pledge to performe it. Now that I
445
A.D.
1601.
The Spaniards
met at Sea.
Sir Joh.
Barkeley
Commander
in the North.
A.D.
1601.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
The Lord
Deputy s
purposes.
might not disinable any of the forces, I am come to
Kilkenny onely accompanied with some threescore horse,
without any one Commander or Captaine of the Army,
having left them all with commandement to be resident on
their charge. Onely when I came neere Master Marshall,
I sent to conferre with him, being before accompanied
with none of the Counsell, but onely Sir Robert Gardner
chiefe Justice. As I entred into Kilkenny, I received
intelligence from the Lord President of the Spaniards
being at Sea, and returned his messenger, desiring him
not to stirre from his charge, but to advertise me often of
occurrents. My selfe purpose to returne presently to
Carlogh (whether under the colour to prosecute Tirrel,
I will draw as many of the forces, as I can, to imploy them
in the meane time, and to be ready to answere such
occasions as shall fall out in Mounster) that being (as
things stand) the place best to give direction to all parts,
and to assure the most dangerous. Now Sir, what I
should desire to advise from hence, on so great a sudden,
as I thinke it fit to make this dispatch, and in so great
a matter, I am not very confident, but propound to your
much better judgement what I thinke first and fittest to
be thought of. That it may please the Lords to send
over the two thousand men by their last letters signified
to me to be at Chester, with all expedition, one thousand
of them to Carlingford, the other to Dublin. These I
intend to thrust into other companies, to make them
full (if I can) to a man, whereby the Queene shall be
served with all their bodies, and yet her Lyst no way
increased, nor other charge but transportation. I desire
so many at the least may be sent to Carlingford, because n
I am confident that it is the best counsell, whether the n
Spaniards land or no, to strengthen that part of the Armie, 2
which will be able to assure the Pale that way, and to i
ruine the Northerne Rebels, in such sort, that it shall not t
be in the power of forraine force to make them live, and t
if the worst happen, they be therby inabled to come off
to us, if we send for them, where now they cannot except
446
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
l 60 I.
we fetch them. In generall, for such a warre you must
send great Magazins of munition and victuals, and when
you resolve how many men you will send, or have sent,
the proportion will bee easily cast up by such Ministers
as you have there in those kinds. The best place for the
greatest quantity will be Dublin ; for from thence we
may finde meanes to transport what other places shall
have neede of, except the warre be in Connaght, for then
onely from Lymrick and Galloway all our provisions must
come, and in Connaght I chiefly expect the Spaniards
first discent, yet there with most difficulty can front them
with any warre before Galloway, or Athlone (from Lym-
ricke) be throughly supplied with provisions. If forraigne
force doe not arrive, these provisions will not be lost ;
for this Winter Odonnell must be forced out of Connaght,
or else he will get there what he hath lost in Tyrconnell,
and so, this Winter we must doe our endevour to doe the
like in Ulster, to ruine Tyrone, which is a worke of no
small difficulty, but of so great consequence, that I am
perswaded it would not onely turne the professions of
this people, but even their hearts to her Majesties
obedience, for such as love Tyrone, will quit their affec-
tions, when the hope of his fortune failes, and such as
doe not, their dependancy on him will fall, when their
feare of his greatnes shall be taken away : for beleeve
me Sir, I observe in most (if I be not much deceived) of
the Irish reclaimed Lords, great desire to continue
Subjects, if they might once see apparance of defence,
though perchance not so much out of their honest
dispositions, as the smart they yet feele of a bitter prose-
cution. If you heare that forraigne powers in any great
numbers are arrived, you must resolve to send at the least
200 Horse out of England, and two thousand men more
well armed, for you must beleeve Sir, that then it will
not be the warre of Ireland, but the warre of England
made in Ireland. If we beat them, both Kingdomes will
be quiet, if not, even the best in more danger then I hope
ever to live to see. If you provide us more men when
Great
Magazins of
munition
required.
[II. ii. 132.]
Odonnell to
be forced out
of Connaght.
447
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
wee send you word that the Spaniards are landed, wee
will write whether we desire they should be sent. How-
soever, I presume her Majesty shall not repent the putting
over so many men hither ; for we hope to ease the charge
in the shortnesse of the worke : If this aide arrive not
here, and if any forraigne force arrive in England, (the
which we gather by some intelligence may be), then if you
send hither new men to assure places fit to bee kept, we
may bring you over old souldiers & Captaines, two or
three thousand ; which I wil undertake shal strike as
good blowes as ten thousand ordinary men. I have made
some of the subjects lately reclaimed, and in these times
suspected, put themselves in blood already, since my
comming hither ; for even now I heare my Lord Mount-
garrets sonnes have killed some of the Clancheeres, and
some of Tyrrels followers, since I contested with their
Father, about somewhat I had heard suspicious of them.
Sir I will againe advertise you of our affaires here very
shortly, and desire you now to pardon my hast. From
Kilkenny this foureteenth of September 1601.
Your most assured friend to
doe you service,
Mountjoy.
His Lordship returned from Kilkenny to Carlogh,
where he disposed the forces to answere the service in
those parts of Lemster. Thence he wrote to the Lord
President to meet him some time at Kilkenny, if possibly
he could : And within few daies hearing that the Lord
President having left Sir Charles Wilmot with the forces
at Corke, was on his journey towards him, his Lordship
parted from Carlogh, and the nineteenth of September met
him at Laughlin, whence they rode together to Kilkenny.
Before I proceed further, I will briefly adde the affaires
Moumter. of Mounster till this time, collected out of the Lord
Presidents letters. The setling of peace in the yeere
1600. was interrupted by the allarum of a Spanish
invasion generally given in the beginning of this yeere
448
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
1601. And in the moneth of Aprill the Mounster Rebels
which fledde the last yeere into Connaght and Ulster,
attempted againe to returne into Mounster, having beene
strengthened by Tyrone ; but the Lord President sent
Captaine Flower with one thousand foote to the confines,
and these forces of Mounster on the one side, and Sir
John Barkeley with the Connaght Forces on the other
side, so persued them, as the same moneth they were
forced to breake and returne into Ulster. Florence mac
Carty notwithstanding his protection, had procured the
sending of the said Rebels out of the North, and besides
many rebellious practices, about this time laded a Barke
with hides, which should bring him munition from
forraigne parts. The Lord President ceased not to lay
continuall plots to apprehend the titulary Earle of Des-
mond, & having often driven him out of his lurking
dennes, (in which service the Lord Barry having a Com-
pany in her Majesties pay, did noble endevours,) at last
the Lord President understanding that he lurked in the
white Knights Countrey, his Lordship did so exasperate
him with feare of his owne danger, as in the moneth of
May he tooke him prisoner and brought him to Corke,
where hee was condemed for treason, to intitle the
Queene in his lands, and for a time kept prisoner there.
In the moneth of June the Lord President received this
gracious letter from the Queene, written with her owne hand.
M Y faithfull George. If ever more service of worth
were performed in shorter space then you have done,
we are deceived among many eye witnesses : we have
received the fruit thereof, and bid you faithfully credit,
that what so wit, courage, or care may do, we truly find,
they have all been throughly acted in all your charge.
And for the same beleeve, that it shall neither be
unremembred, nor unrewarded, and in meane while
beleeve, my helpe nor prayers shall never fade you.
Your Soveraigne that best
regards you, E. R.
2 F
[II. ii. 133 .]
The titulary
Earle of
Desmond
taken
prisoner.
Letter from
the Queene.
M. 11
449
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
President's
Advertise-
ments.
Florence mac
Carty sent
Prisoner into
England.
The landing
of the
Spaniards.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
In the beginning of July the Lord President advertised
the Lord Deputy, that according to his directions hee
would presently send into Connaght 1000 foot and fifty
horse of the Mounster list, though upon good and fresh
intelligences, the arrivall of Spaniards was daily expected
in that Province, and the forces remaining with him,
were not sufficient to guard Kinsale, Waterford, Yoghall,
Killmalloch, Lymricke, and Cork, (the last whereof
according to his Lordships directions, he would have care
specially to strengthen). That he had given the chiefe
leader of the said forces Sir Fran. Barkely direction to
returne to him upon his letter, if her Majesties service
in his opinion should require it, praying the Lord Deputy
to allow of this direction, since hee meant not to recall
them, but upon sudden revolt of the Provincials or
arrivall of Spaniards. That the Prisoner usurping the
title of Earle of Desmond, and many other evidences
made manifest, that the rebels of Ulster, and especially
the Spaniards, did most relie upon the helpe of the said
prisoner, & Florence mac Carty, which Florence though
protected had assured them of his best aide, and had
prevailed in a Councell held in Ulster, that the Spaniards
should land at or neere Cork. And that hereupon he the
Lord President had apprehended Florence, and sent him
together with the said Earle Prisoner into England, where
they were safe in the Tower, which being in time knowne
to the Spaniards, might perhaps divert their invasion of
Ireland. And no doubt the laying hand on these two
Archrebels, much advanced her Majesties service in the
following invasion, whereby the Lord President deserv-
edly wonne great reputation. Thus much I have briefly
noted to the time above mentioned, when the Lord
Deputy wrote to the Lord President to meet him on
the confines of Mounster.
They meeting (as I said) at Laughlin, rode together to
Kilkenny, where the twenty day of September they sate
in Counsell with the Earle of Ormond, and the rest of
the Counsel with purpose, so soone as they had resolved
45 °
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
of the meetest course for the present service, to returne
to their severall places of charge. But the same day newes
came by post, (for Postes were newly established for the
same purpose) that a Spanish Fleet was discovered neere
the old head of Kinsale, whereupon they determined to
stay there all the next day, to have more certain advertise-
ment therof. The three & twentith day another Post
came from Sir Charles Willmot, advertising the Spanish
Fleete to be come into the harbour of Kinsale, and it
was agreed in Counsell, that the Lord President should
returne to Corke, and the Lord Deputy for countenancing
of the service in Mounster, should draw to Clommell,
and gather such forces as hee could presently, to draw
to Kinsale, nothing doubting but that this forwardnesse
(howsoever otherwise the Army, neither for numbers of
men, nor sufficiency of provision, was fit to undertake
such a taske) would both cover their many defects from
being spied by the Country, and for a while, at the least
stop the currant of that generall defection of the Irish,
which was vehemently feared. This was resolved in
Counsell, after the Lord President had given them
comfort to find victuals and munition at Corke : for at
first they were not so much troubled to draw the forces
thither, as suddenly to bring victuals and munition thither
for them. But when they understood, that his Lordship
had fed the souldiers all Summer by cesse, and preserved
her Majesties store of victuals which they thought to be
wasted, they were exceeding joyfull of this newes, and not
without just desert, highly commended the Lord Presi-
dents provident wisdome, in the said most important
service to the State.
The same day they wrote these letters to the Lords
in England.
I T may please your Lordship : The Spanish Fleete so
long expected by the Rebels here, is now in the harbour
of Kinsale or Corke, as it may appeare unto your Lord-
ships for a certainty, by the copies of these inclosed
45 1
A.D.
1601.
The Spanish
Fleete in the
harbour of
Kinsale.
[II. ii. 134.]
Letters to the
Lords in
England.
a.d. fynes MORYSON’S itinerary
1601.
letters, from Sir Charles Wilmott, and the Major of
Corke, which is as much newes as we have yet received,
so as we can not judge, whether this be the whole Fleete
set out of Spaine, or whether part thereof is comming
after to them, or bound for any other harbour, onely we
have some reason to thinke (the weather falling out of
late exceeding stormy and tempestious) that all the ships
could very hardly keepe together, and the report was,
the whole number were at least seventie. We are now
Requests for to be earnest sutors to your Lordships, to supply us with
supplies. a ]l things needefull for so weighty an action, and so
speedily as possibly it may be. The two thousand foote
already (as we conceive) at Chester, we now desire may
presently be sent to Waterford (and neither to Carlingford
nor Dublin, as I the Deputie thought fittest in my last
dispatch, when I meant to have used them in the North),
two thousand more at the least had neede come soone
after unto Corke, if it be not invested before their
comming, but if it bee, their landing must then be at
Waterford or Yoghall, and with them three hundred horse
will be as few, as we conceive wee have reason to demand,
and therefore expect both the one and the other so soone
as may be, also munition and victuall must be sent for
ten thousand men, to come likewise to Waterford (unlesse
your Lordships heare from us to the contrary), for if in
those two kinds we be not royally supplied, men and
mony will serve us to little purpose, with all which we
recommend to your Lordships consideration, whether it
were not fit to send some part of her Majesties Navy to
lie upon this coast, aswel to assure the passage by Sea,
as to attempt something upon the Spanish shipping.
Thus having briefly set downe our requests, as sparingly
as we may do, the danger considered, we think it not
impertinent to acquaint your Lordships with the cause
of our meeting here, and purposes. We thought fit upon
the expectation of these forraine forces, before we held
it of any certaintie, to conferre with the Lord President
of Mounster, and to consult upon the generall disposall
45 2
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
of the forces of this Kingdome, how to make the warre
upon their arrivall, which we could hardly doe, without
being thorowly informed by him, of the state of that
Province, and what meanes of victuall, munition, and
other provisions we should finde there, if we should draw
the army thither, or from thence were driven to make
the warre in Connaght, where wee found it would bee of
exceeding great difficulty, unlesse wee might have good
helpes out of Mounster. For this purpose meeting at
this place upon Munday the one and twentieth of this
present, the next day while wee were in consultation, came
the first of these letters from the Maior of Corke, assuring
us of the discovery of the Fleete neere the old head
of Kinsale, but whether friends or enemies he then knew
not, but that being made certaine by the rest of the
letters that came since, we presently grew to this resolu-
tion, that the President should returne with all speede
possible, though before hee left the Province, hee tooke
order to the uttermost that could bee done in providence,
aswell to settle the same, as to defend all places likeliest
to be invaded; and we concluded, that I the Deputy [II. ii. 135.]
should draw forward, as farre as Clommell, to be neere Dispositions
the chiefest brunt of the warre, and upon the present °f the Forces -
apprehension of all things there, to give directions to
the rest of the Kingdome, and yet to omit no occasions
against the invasion, whilest the Marshal drew up as
many of the forces to me, as he can with best con-
veniency and expedition. For since the two thousand
supposed to be at Chester, came not to Carlingford and
Dublyn, in time to supply the Companies Northward,
that they might have gone on with their prosecution, we
have now resolved to leave no more in those parts, then
are sufficient to keepe the garrison places, because wee
hold it to bee to no purpose, untill her Majesty send
hither greater forces, though we are still of opinion, it
were the best course to proceed there, if her Majesty
would be pleased to enable us, for otherwise it cannot
be looked for, but that we shal go backward greatly in
453
A.D.
1601.
The Lord
Deputy' s
resolution.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
this busines. Thus being confident your L ps . will be
carefull of us, we take this to be sufficient uppon this
sudden, since what is any way necessary or fit for us,
is to your Lordships in your wisdome and experience best
knowne, and so we doe most humbly take leave, with
this assurance, that we will leave nothing unperformed,
that may give true testimony to the World, that we value
our duty to our most gracious Soveraigne, and tender the
preservation of this her Kingdome, committed to our
charge (as we know we ought) before our lives and livings,
and doubt not but to give her Majesty a very good
account of all our doings. From Kilkenny this three
and twenty of September, 1601.
Your Lordships most humbly to command, &c.
signed by the Lord Deputy and Councell.
The foure and twentith day, his Lordship wrote this
following letter to Master Secretary.
S IR I did ever thinke, that if any forraigne force should
arrive, it would be doubtfull for me to lay my finger
on any sound part of all this Kingdome, which if our
supplies had come in time, to have left the Northerne
garrisons strong, we might in some good sort have pro-
vided for, but now my resolution is this, to bend my
selfe as suddenly as I can against these forraigne forces.
If wee beat them, let it not trouble you, though you
heare all Ireland doth revolt, for (by the grace of God)
you shall have them all returne presently with halters
about their neckes : if we doe not, all providence bestowed
on any other place is vaine. Till I know more particularly
in how many places they have made their discent, I
cannot write much ; but for the present I apprehend a
world of difficulties, with as much comfort as ever poore
man did, because I have now a faire occasion to shew how
prodigall I will be of my life, in any adventure that I
shall finde to be for the service of my deere Mistresse,
unto whom I am confident God hath given me life to doe
acceptable service, which when I have done, I will sing
454
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Nunc dimittis. This day I expect to receive light and
further ground to write more at large, and being now
ready with the President to take Horse, whose fortune
& mine shall now be one, I leave you to Gods continuall
blessings, in hast. Kilkenny the foure and twenty of
September 1601.
The same day Master Marshall was dispatched into the
Pale, to draw the Companies thereabouts towards Moun-
ster, and to procure from the Councell at Dublyn all
things necessary for that businesse. Sir Henry Davers
was sent for the Companies about Armagh, and Sir John
Barkeley had direction to bring other Companies that
were laid about the Navan. And the L. Deputy the
same night rode to Kiltenan, a Castle and dwelling of
the Lord of Dunboyne, being a great daies journey, where
he was assured that the Spaniards were landed and entered
into Kinsale. The five and twenty his Lordship rode
to Clommell, where Sir Nicholas Walsh, one of the
Councell, came to him, and there it was resolved, his Lord-
ship should goe on to Corke, and so to proceed as there
should be cause. The six and twentieth his Lord p . rode
to Glonowre, the Lord Roches Castle. The seven and
twentieth his Lordship rode from Glonowre to Corke,
accompanied with the Lord President, Sir Robert
Gardener, and Sir Nicholas Walsh, Counsellors.
The eight and twenty day his Lordship was advertised
by a Scot comming from Lisbone, that the Spaniards
sent to Kinsale, were sixe thousand in number, com-
manded by Don Jean de P Aguyla, who had beene
generall in Britaine, that one thousand of them scattered
by tempest, were since arrived at Baltemore. That they
were directed to Kinsale, with promise of great succours
by the pretended Earle of Desmond, lately taken
and sent into England, and by Florence mac Carty,
whom the Lord President upon suspition had lately
taken, and in like sort sent prisoner into England.
That the Spaniards gave out, that assoone as they could
have horses from Tyrone, and other Irish rebels, in which
A.U.
1601.
Master
Marshall
dispatched
Into the Pale.
[II. ii. 136.]
The Spaniards
commanded by
Don Jean de
1' Aguyla.
455
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601 .
\
1600 . saddles
brought by
the Spaniards.
Queenes ships
desired.
Cannon for
the field.
hope they had brought foure hundred, (or as after was
credibly advertised 1600 saddles), they would keepe the
field, and therefore would not fortifie at Kinsale, and that
upon the revolt of this Countrey, the King of Spaine
meant from these parts to invade England.
Whereupon the same eight and twenty day the Lord
Deputy resolved in Counsell, that letters should bee
written into England, that it was given out, the Spaniards
in Mounster were sixe thousand, and that of certaine they
were five thousand commanded by Don Jean del’ Aguila,
whereof three thousand were arrived in Kinsale, and the
Vice-Admirall Siriago, (for Don Diego de Brastino, was
Admirall of the Fleet), with foure other ships scattered
by tempest, were arrived at Baltemore. That no Irish
of account repaired to them, excepting some dependants
of Florence mac Carty, (of whose imprisonment the
Spaniards had not heard before their landing), who was
the perswader of their comming to that Port. That to
keepe Rebels from joining with them, it behoved us
presently to keepe the field. That it was requisite to
send some of the Queenes ships, who might prevent their
supplies, and give safety to our supplies, both out of
England and from Coast to Coast, and might bring us
to Corke Artillery for battery, with munition and victuals.
Likewise to write presently for three hundred Northerne
horse, and for the two thousand foot at Chester, and two
thousand more. To write for sixe peeces of battery, the
biggest to be Demy Cannon for the field, with carriages
and bullets. To certifie the Lords that Artillery could not
be brought from Dublyn, because the Irish ships had not
masts and tackle strong enough to take them in and out,
(besides that, Easterly and Northerly winds onely serving
to bring them, were rare at this season of the yeere ;)
and that the greatest Peeces in Mounster lay unmounted
on the ground. And lastly, to write for powder for five
thousand shot, and for sixe Peeces of Battery, (which must
be some sixty last), and for fifty tunne of lead, with like
quantity of match, and five thousand Pyoners tooles.
456
Peeces of
Battery.
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
The same day his Lordship was by letters advertised,
that a Frier in a Souldiers habit, was dispatched from
Kinsale the foure & twenty of September, and passed
through Clommell, naming himselfe James Flemming,
and from thence went to Waterford, where hee aboad few
dayes, and named himselfe Richard Galloway. That he
had Buis from the Pope, with large indulgences to those, Buis from the
who should aide the Spaniards, (sent by the Catholike Pope.
King to give the Irish liberty from the English tyranny,
and the exercise of the true olde Apostolike Roman
Religion), and had authority to excommunicate those that
should by letters, by plots, or in person joyne with her
Majesty, (whom the Pope had excommunicated, and
thereby absolved all her Subjects from their oath of
alleagiance). That every generall Vicar in each Diocesse,
had charge to keep this secret till the Lord Deputy was
passed to Corke, when he assured them, his Lordship
should either in a generall defection not be able to under-
stand these proceedings, or hearing thereof should be so
imploied, as he should have no leisure to prevent them.
That he gave out, the Spaniards at Kinsale were ioooo, Spanish lies.
besides 2000 dispersed by tempest, which were landed at
Baltimore, having treasure, munition, and victuals for
two yeers. And that Tyrone would presently come
up to assist them at Kinsale, and to furnish them with
horses, which they onely expected from him, and had
brought saddles and furniture for them. Lastly, advice
therein was given to his Lordship to write to the corporate
Townes and chiefe Lords, not to beleeve these fabulous
reports, but to take advice (not given out for feare of
their defection, but onely for their good) to continue
loyall subjects.
The nine and twentieth his Lordship with the [II. ii. 137-]
Lord President and the above named Counsellors, tooke
some horse for guard, and rode to view the Towne
and harbour of Kinsaile, and the Spaniards Fleete, that
upon that view, they might resolve of the fittest
place for our Campe to sit downe by them. They
457
/
A.D.
1601.
Letters to the
Lords in
England.
Onely the
Fortes
guarded in the
North.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
found the Spaniards possessed of the Towne, and the
greatest part of their shipping to have put to Sea for
Spaine, (for of thirty foure ships arriving there, only
twelve now remained in the Harbour, some of the other
being lately put out, and then seene under sayle), so as
they saw there was no more to be done, till our forces
should be arrived out of the North and Lemster, and we
inabled from England to keepe our selves from breaking,
after we should take the field.
The first of October his Lordship and the Counsell
here, wrote to the Lords in England, according to the
project resolved on the eight and twentieth of September.
Further beseeching their Lordships to pardon their earnest
writing for munition and victuals, though great propor-
tions of them were already sent, and that in respect the
magazines formerly appointed for the best, when the
place of the Spaniards discent was unknowne, were so
farre divided, as we could not without great difficulties
make use of them in these parts, and at this time, when
for the present the Spaniard was Master of the Sea, and
the Queenes forces being drawne towards Kinsaile, the
rebels might easily intercept them by land, but especially
for that great use might be made of those provisions in
the very places where now they were, if Tirone come
into Mounster with his forces, as no doubt he would,
namely, the magazin at Lymricke would serve excellently
for the prosecution formerly intended, and after to be
made in Connaght, though by sea or land they could not
be brought to Corke, without great difficulties and
dangers. Adding that for the present, the Lord Deputie
was forced to draw most of the forces of the North into
Mounster, leaving onely the Fortes guarded, and so the
Pale was not able to defend it selfe against Tyrone, where-
as he hoped to have been enabled both to continue the
prosecution in the North, and also to besiege the Spaniards
at one and the same time, whereof yet hee did not
altogether despaire, so as their Lordships would speedily
furnish such things, as were earnestly desired by them
45 s
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
A.D.
1601.
for the good of the service, being confidently of opinion,
that the only way to make a speedy end of the rebellion,
and as quicke a dispatch of the Spaniards out of Ireland,
was to make the warre roundly both in the North, and
in Mounster at one time. Also advertising that the
Spaniards (as they for certaine heard) brought with them
not onely sixteene hundred Saddles, upon the Rebels
promise of horse, but also great store of Armes for the
common people, upon hope they had given them of their
generall revolt ; and humbly praying their Lordships,
that in regard our greatest strength and advantage con-
sisted in our horses, they would cause a thousand quarters
of Oates to be speedily sent for Corke, without which
store, our horses were like to starve within a short time,
and in case they approved the prosecution in the North
to bee continued without intermission, then they would
bee pleased to send the like quantitie of Oates to be kept
in store at Carlingford. Lastly, praying their Lordships
to send hether a Master-Gunner, with sixe Canoniers.
The second of October, his Lordship wrote this follow-
ing letter to Master Secretarie.
S ir I doe thinke we shall finde these forces out of Spaine
to be above foure thousand, aboundantly provided with
Munition, Artillery, and Armes (besides their own use)
to arme the Countrie people, great store of treasure, and
of all victuals but flesh. All the Chiefes that are in
rebellion, and all the loose sword-men, will presently take
their parts. The Lords that we have reclaimed, if we
doe not defend them from Tirone, must and will returne
unto him. Upon the first good countenance the Spanish
army shall make, I feare me, many will declare themselves
for them, but upon the first blow we shall receive (from
the which I hope God will preserve us), I doubt there
would fall out a generall revolt. The Commander of the
Spanish Army is one of the greatest Souldiers the King
of Spaine hath, the Captaines under him are most ancient
men, their Bands, some out of Italy, some from the
Oates wanted
for the horses.
The Lord
Deputy’s
letter to
Master
Secretarie.
[II. ii. 138.]
459
A.D.
1601.
The Spaniards
good Souldiers.
The Lord
Deputy's
desire.
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
Terceraes, and few Bisonioes. They are specially well
armed, all their shot (as I heard) muskets, they have
brought sixteene hundred saddles, and Armes for horse-
men, of light shot, whereof they make account to be
provided in Ireland, and so may they be, as well as in
any part of Christendome, and likewise to have horses
for their saddles, but therein I thinke they will be
deceived. There are not yet come unto us any other
forces, but such as onely I found in this Province. Upon
the arrivall of the first troopes (which I looke for howerly)
we shall send you word of some good blowes that will
passe betweene us, for I meane to dwell close by them (by
the grace of God) to put them to it. Sir, the King of
Spaine hath now begun to invade her Majesties King-
domes, if only to put Ireland in generall commotion, he
hath chosen the worst place, if to doe that, and to lay a
sudden foundation for the warre of England, the best :
if he hath beene deceived in any expectation here, the
State of Spaine must now make good the errour, and
doubtlesse is ingaged to supplie all defects. The com-
modity that is offered unto her Majesty is, that shee may
sooner prevent then Spaine provide : Now as her
Majesties faithfull workeman, I am bold to propound in
my own taske, that it may please her to send presently
good part of her royall Fleete, and with them such pro-
visions for battery as we did write for, and at the least
so many horse and foote as by our letter we have sued
for, with victuals and munitions in aboundance for them.
It will be fit that this Winter there be a sharpe warre
made in Ulster, which will keepe the Spaniard from any
important succour, and ruine for ever the Traitors, if the
warre be well followed. If it be made by the severall
Governours, the effect will not be so great : if you will
have it performed thorowly, you must make one Gover-
nour of all Ulster, and the fittest man that can bee chosen
in England or Ireland is Sir Arthur Chichester. If you
resolve on that course, from him you must continually
receive his demands, onely of the three hundred horse
460
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
wee did write for, it were good he had sent him out of
the North one hundred. For foot, if you send him out
of England to supply the Companies at Loughfoyle and
Knockefergus, above our proportion, it will be much
better : for Armagh and those parts shall receive from
us. This course I hope will soone make an end of the
warre in Ireland, of Spaine in Ireland, and perchance
of Spaine for a long time with England. I doubt not
but you will conceive this action to bee of no lesse
importance then it is. What goodly Havens are in these
parts for shipping, how many fighting men of the Irish
may be from hence by the King of Spaine carried for an
invasion of England ; (the want of which two kinds hath
beene his chiefe impediment hitherto) you well know.
Beleeve Sir, out of my experience here, if the King of
Spaine should prevaile in Ireland, he may carry above ten
thousand men from hence, that joined with his Army,
will be of more use for the invasion of England, then
any that can be chosen out of any part of Christendome.
And now Sir, that you know (as I hope) the worst, I
cannot dissemble how confident I am, to beate these
Spanish Dons, as well as ever I did our Irish Macks and
Oes, and to make a perfect conclusion of the warre of
Ireland as soone, as if this interruption had never
happened, if wee have Gods blessing and the Queenes,
and those ordinary meanes without the which none but
infinite powers can worke. I beseech the eternall God
preserve her Majesty and her Kingdomes, and send me
the happinesse to kisse her royall hands, with the con-
science of having done her the service I desire. And so
Sir I doe wish you all happinesse, and will be ever
Yours Sir most assured to doe
you service, Mountjoy.
From Corke the 2 of
October 1601.
The same day his Lordship wrote another letter to
Master Secretary as followeth.
461
A.D.
1601.
10000 . Irish
to invade
England.
A.D.
1601.
Letter to
Master
Secretary.
[H. ii. 139.]
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
S IR here are divers worthy men very fit to have charge,
who have followed the wars here as voluntaries to their
very great expence, & look now by my meanes to have
command upon the comming over of the next Companies,
if you send more then serve only for supplies. I have no
meanes to keep them from going thither, to use the helpe
of their friends and get them Companies there, but by
promising them any thing that I can doe for them here,
for by that course I conceive I ease you of that trouble,
which their importunate sutes would breede you, and hold
them here ready for any service upon the sudden, thinking
it no pollicy at this time to spare any, that may give
furtherance to the great worke we have in hand. If it
will please you to doe me that favour, to procure that
the Companies to come over, may be appointed Captaines
of my nomination, I shall be able to satisfie those Gentle-
mens expectations, who I am perswaded will be fitter for
this imployment then any that can be sent from thence,
and they finding their advancement here, where they are
to be tied to their taske, will (in my judgement) endeavour
to deserve the best, being in the eye of him that was the
meanes thereof, which for the service sake chiefly I affect,
though I can be content Sir to acknowledge unto you,
that I would gladly have the World see, that I am no
lesse graced in my imployments then my Predecessours
have beene ; for this people doe not little observe it, and
at this present especially I hold it a matter of that conse-
quence, as without it, I shall be the lesse able to weeld
this great businesse, with that successe that otherwise I
am hopefull of : We have not here any of the Queenes
Pinnisses, whereof at this time there is great want. At
my comming out of the North, although the Rebels in
generall did give out, that they were out of hope of
forraigne succours this yeere, (I thinke in policy, and to
make us slow to call for supplies), yet Tyrlogh mac Henry
did assure me upon his life, that the Spaniards would
come, and further told me that one Bathe Agent for
Tyrone in Spaine, and since returned to him, was sent
462
V
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
into Scotland, whence he was presently to returne :
Whereupon I delivered a description of the man to
Captaine Button, and willed him to lie upon the Coasts to
apprehend him, assuring my selfe that I should have
wrested out of him the certainty of all things. Since
that time I have heard nothing of that Captaine, nor of
the Queenes Pinnis under his command. I pray you
Sir let us have some of the Queenes shippes with
expedition, for without them we shall not be able to
convay any thing upon this Coast from place to place,
and the waies by land will be dangerous. So Sir I wish
you all happinesse.
The third of October, his Lordship and the Counsell
here wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.
I T may please your Lordships. Having seriously con-
sidered of the great worke we have now in hand, wee
observe that besides the forraigne enemy the Spaniard
with whom wee are first to deale, and the knowne Traitors
and Rebels already in armes, there are two other sorts
of people here, which if wee doe not carefully provide
for, they will soone adheare unto the rest, and make their
party so strong, as in judgement wee cannot see how
we shall be well able to encounter it, unlesse by good
providence it be prevented, which is the marke we aime
at. The one of these two sorts is the subject, who hath
lands and goods to take to, for whom wee must provide
defence, else with his livelyhood wee are sure to loose
him, and therefore wee will omit nothing that our meanes
will stretch to, that may preserve, cherish, and content
him. The other sort are such as have no living, nor
any thing that will afford them maintenance, and yet
hitherto have not shewed themselves disloyall, though
all of them bee Swordmen, and many Gentlemen by
discent, and are able to draw after them many followers.
To this sort wee heare for certaine, the Spaniards make
offer of great entertainement, and if wee should not in
some sort doe the like, wee cannot in reason looke but
463
A.D.
l60I.
Letter to the
Lords in
England.
A.D.
1601.
[II. ii. 140.]
Companies
drawne to
Corke.
FYNES MORYSONS ITINERARY
they must and will fall to their partie. Wee have there-
fore out of this necessitie resolved, to take as many of
them into her Majesties intertainement, as wee have any
hope will truly sticke unto us, being confident that wee
shall make good use of them against the Spaniard ; for
wee meane thorowly to put them to it, though if wee
should faile in our expectation, and finde them cold or
slacke in serving with us, yet will it bee a great counten-
ance to the service to shew the persons of so many men
on our side, where otherwise they would have been against
us : and of this we can assure your Lordships, that when
they have served our turne against the Spaniards, untill
wee have freed our selves of them, we can without danger
ease her Majestie of that charge, and wil no longer hold
them in entertainement. In the meane time they shall
spend little of the Queenes victuall, but being paid of
the new coine, provide for themselves, which may bee
with lesse oppression to the Countrie, then if in that sort
they were not entertained, for then they would spoile all,
and put out such as otherwise will continue in subjection.
Of this course of ours, we humbly desire your Lordships
approbation (though wee will be very sparing to enter-
taine more then shall be necessary) and warrant to Master
Treasurer to make them paiment, and hold us we beseech
you excused for resolving it, before we acquainted your
Lordships therewithall, seeing we were enforced thereunto
by necessitie for the service sake (since many of them
were active, and would otherwise have served the enemie),
and wee could not sooner write unto your Lordships of
it, and even so, &c.
The same day Sir Benjamin Berry came to Corke with
his Lordships Guard which he commanded, and with some
other Companies (for till this time his Lordship had no
part of the Army with him, but only the Bands of the
Mounster Lyst.) The ninth day the Companies came
to Corke, which Sir Richard Wingfield the Marshall had
drawne out of the Pale, and Sir John Barkeley Serjeant
Major had drawne from the frontiers of Lemster and
464
Coj
can:
iror
day
Serj
tov
to
day
ion
Free
tint
ksii
lion
1
tenc
fill
in p
to 1
foui
and
the
tho
in
am
Di
co
an
at
coi
del
“P
to
sd
an
an
\
ce
THE REBELLION IN IRELAND
Connaght. The tenth day being Saturday, the Companies
came to Corke, which Sir Henrie Davers had drawne
from Armagh and the Northerne Garrisons. And this
day Sir Richard Wingfield Marshall, and Sir John Barkeley
Serjeant Major, were sent with some horse and foote,
to view and chuse a fit ground neere Kinsale, where our
Army might sit downe to besiege the Towne. The next
day some horse and foote were sent out to keepe the Irish
from selling victuals to the Spaniards. The twelfth two
French men ran from the Spaniards to us, who confessed
that three thousand Spaniards landed at the first in Kinsale,
beside sixe hundred since arrived in a great ship scattered
from them by a tempest.
This day one advertised his Lordship, that under pre-
tence of favouring the Spaniards discent, he had spoken
with their General ; who inquired whether the L. Deputie
in person came to view Kinsale, and with what numbers,
to which he answered, that he was there in person with
foure hundred foote lodged not farre off out of sight,
and foure troopes of horse. That he asked what souldiers
the Lord Deputy had, to which he answered some eight
thousand, besides the daily arrivall of others of the Army
in Lemster and the North : what souldiers were new,
and what weapons they had, and what artillery the Lord
Deputy had, to which hee answered with addition to our
strength. He said that the Generali presumed by the
contrary winds, that they in England heard not of his
arrivall, and though hee told him the English Fleete was
at Plymoth, he seemed not to beleeve it, and made
countenance, that they should have enough to doe, to
defend the English coast from invasion, and much insisted
upon the copper money the Queene sent, with purpose
to make the Irish her slaves : but promised gold and
silver from his Master. That he inquired of Tyrone
and Odonnel, seeming to distaste their being so farre off,
and the way to them being dangerous, and his owne
want of horses, and therefore prayed this Gentleman to
certifie Tirrell and the Lord of Leytrim, that hee expected
465 2 G
A.D.
l 60 I.
An advertise-
ment of the
Spaniards.
M. II
FYNES MORYSON’S ITINERARY
A.D.
1601.
Ships returned
to Spain.
[II. ii. 141 .]
Tyrone with horses and beeves, which hee praied them
to supply in the meane time, both sending him notice
before they came, adding that himselfe had Bread, Rice,
Pease, and Wine for eighteene moneths, and store of
treasure. And that he inquired much after the strength
of Corke, and the Queenes new Fort there. Lastly, he
advertised, that the ships returned were foureteene (of
them six the Kings owne of one thousand tun the least,
in which was the Admirall Generali, Saint Iago, and the
great Admirall of Castill, Don Diego de Bruxero.) That
the twelve remaining were smaller, and embarged (or
arested) to serve the King, whereof some were Irish.
That the ships at Baltemore had 700 men. That by his
view, these were 3000 in Kinsale royally provided of all
provisions for war, having many saddles for horses ; and
that upon Tyrones expected comming, they intended to
take the field.
The thirteenth it was resolved we should presently take
the field, though wee had not as yet any provisions fit
for that purpose, but that day and the two dayes following
we could not stirre from Corke, by reason of extreame
raine and foule weather. Neither artillery, munition nor
victuals were yet come from Dublin, yet it was thought
fitter thus unprovided to take the field, then by discovery
of our wants to give the Irish opportunitie and courage
to joyne with the Spaniard.
END OF VOLUME II.
*
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